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THE 

Niagara Campaign 

OF 1759 



BY 

GEORGE DOUGLAS EMERSON 

BUFFALO ASSOCIATION OF THE SOCIETY OF 
COLONIAL WARS 



SECOND EDITION 



1909 






Copyright. 1908. by 
GEORGE DOUGLAS EMERSON 



9 IWUS 

Gi<p*n*nt i 
CLftSS 14 

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INTRODUCTION 

The first edition of this sketch of the siege of Fort 
Niagara in July, 1759, was issued for gratuitous distribu- 
tion, it being the author's contribution to the rapidly increas- 
ing historical accounts of the stirring events which char- 
acterize the annals of the Niagara frontier. A sufficient 
number, however, was not published and to meet constant 
and ever-recurring requests for copies a second edition is 
herewith presented containing all that appeared in the first 
edition, with some additional portraits and historical matter. 
The portraits are reproduced from either the Documentary 
History of New York or Entick's History of the Seven 
Years' War published in London in 1763. The personages 
represented were all active participants in the French and 
Indian War of which the siege of Fort Niagara was a con- 
spicuous feature. 

The author was much gratified with the reception which 
his first modest pamphlet received and notes with pleasure 
that attention is being more and more turned to the history 
of the Niagara frontier, which is in itself a great compen- 
sation for the research needed in producing this detailed 
account of the Niagara campaign of 1759. 

The Author. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction 3 

First Paper 7 

Second Paper 25 

APPENDICES 

PACE 

Appendix A — 
Articles of Capitulation at Surrender of Fort Niagara by 

the French, July 25, 1759 46 

Appendix B— 
Inventory of Ordnance and Military Stores Captured with 

Fort Niagara at the Time of the Surrender 49 

Appendix C — 
Journal of the Siege of Fort Niagara by Captain Pouchot, 

French Commandant 50 

Appendix D — 

Fort Niagara 75 

Appendix E — 

Letters and Newspaper Notices 77 

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Fort Niagara Frontispiece 

page 

George D. Emekson opposite 7 

Sir William Johnson (1756) " 14 

Lord Viscount Howe " 18 

Right Honorable William Pitt " 22 

Major-General Wolfe " 26 

Sir Jeffery Amherst " 30 

Admiral Boscawen " 34 

Major-General Monckton " 38 

Map of Fort Niagara and Vicinity " 42 

Sir William Johnson (1763) " 48 





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THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759 



FIRST PAPER 

Read before the Buffalo Association, Society of Colonial Wars, 
April 27, 1905. 



It was my privilege, one year ago last June, to accept, on 
behalf of the Niagara Frontier Landmarks Association, a 
tablet marking the spot where Gen. Scott stationed a battery 
at the opening of the Battle of Queenston, October 13, 1812. 
In accepting the tablet I made this remark : 

"From our youth upwards we have been told that the 
blood of the martyrs was the seed of the church, and pathetic 
as the thought may be, it would seem likewise true that all 
human progress and development have come largely through 
bloodshed and sorrow and suffering." 

A perusal of the history of the Western Continent for a 
period of 300 years after Columbus first landed on its shores 
would lead almost to the conclusion that to no epoch in the 
world's history, and to no clime or country, could such a 
remark be more aptly applied than to the northern part of 
this same Western Continent — our home and our native land 
— now happily in the enjoyment of profound peace and with 
a civilization and a development unparalleled in all the annals 
of time. 

With the incoming of the colonists, both to Virginia and 
the more rugged New England shores, came the conflict of 



8 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

arms for the possession of the vast and unknown and appar- 
ently boundless regions which stretched far beyond the limit 
of vision and exploration, to the north and the south and the 
west. 

At first it was the colonist against the Indian, and the 
records of those early years, in recounting the resistance of 
the original occupants of the soil to the advent of the white 
man, teem with tales of bloodshed and fiendishness that even 
at this late day can scarcely be read without a shudder. The 
midnight raid, the butchered family, the burned homestead 
and barns, tortured prisoners, crops destroyed and live stock 
stolen ; all these in a thousand shapes and ways have left 
their imprint upon the pages of history, but they also remind 
us of a race of hardy pioneers to whom to do and to dare 
and to die were only chapters in the gospel of their everyday 
life. But no power on earth has ever been able to withstand, 
and we trust that, under Divine Providence, no power ever 
will be able to withstand, that most gigantic agency for 
human progress, "Anglo-Saxon aggressiveness." And so, 
gradually, the red man was pushed back, striving as best he 
could, in his blind way, to resist the inevitable, the forests 
were leveled, the fields cultivated, and the area of the white 
man's occupancy more and more extended. But in the 
course of time there came to the North, up the St. Lawrence 
River — to occupy the snowy fields of Canada — the sons and 
daughters of France, the old, inveterate and time-honored 
foe of England. Between these two countries there then, as 
for generations previous, existed hearty and long-standing 
animosities. These national hatreds and animosities appar- 
ently were transplanted to the new world with the ever- 
increasing tide of emigration, and it was not a difficult task 
for the colonies and the colonists to become involved in the 
entanglements which made the history of Europe along this 
period almost a continuous story of battlefields and carnage. 
And so from the beginning of these diverse settlements in 
the new world, in addition- to the red man's enmity, there was 
ever athwart the horizon the grim specter of what William 
H. Seward would have called "an irrepressible conflict" — 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 9 

two opposing forces — with pride, ambition and aggressive- 
ness entering into the composition of each — drawing con- 
stantly nearer the danger line and which must, inevitably, 
sooner or later, engage in battle for the supremacy. 

In 1748 occurred that diplomatic fiction, the treaty of 
Aix-la-Chapelle, to which England and France were parties, 
more remarkable for the issues that were left unsettled than 
for any real good that was accomplished ; and succeeding 
this there was a momentary pause in the strife at arms be- 
tween the two countries. The fire, however, was only 
covered over — not extinguished, — and ere many years had 
elapsed there were again strifes and contentions, not only in 
Europe, but likewise along the boundary lines of the colonial 
possessions of these two nations. These strifes and conten- 
tions finally culminated in what is known in America as the 
"French and Indian War," and in Europe as the "Seven 
Years' War," lasting from 1756 until 1763. 

That the colonists could hardly say that the lines had 
fallen to them in pleasant places is evidenced from this being 
the fourth struggle between the French and English colonies, 
the preceding ones having been "King William's War" in 
1689; "Queen Anne's War," which dragged along from 
1702 to 1713, and "King George's War," in 1744 and 1745. 
And it was only twelve years after the conclusion of the 
French and Indian War to the outbreak of the War for 
Independence. Sandwiched in between these formal hos- 
tilities were bickerings and boundary-line disputes, Indian 
depredations and similar causes for alarm and uneasiness, 
to say nothing of the ceaseless everyday drudgery incident 
to opening up a new country. 

The long and bloody Seven Years' War was not a contest 
for redress of grievances, like the American Revolution of a 
later date ; nor to prevent territorial absorption, like the 
present Japanese and Russian embroglio — there were no 
great principles at stake, as in the Civil War in our own 
land ; there were encroachments by the French and, perhaps, 
trespasses on the part of each — in fact, disputes as 1o 
boundary lines were the ostensible cause of the war; but 



10 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

stripped of all veneering, it was simply a bloody battle to the 
finish with only one issue, viz. : Should England or France 
dominate the Western continent? And I think that none of 
us has any occasion to regret the outcome of the contest, and 
that to the Union Jack of Old England instead of the Lilies 
of France came the triumph. 

As was usual, each side sought the aid of the savage red 
man in carrying on the contest; and, as was also usual, 
there was a diversity of service on the part of the Indian — 
some tribes espousing the English cause, others taking sides 
with the French ; but these allegiances varied as the struggle 
proceeded and the fortunes of war favored the one side or 
the other. Our foxy red brother always exhibited a strong 
inclination in every contest to be with the winner at the 
finish, and manifested considerable dexterity in getting 
there. Candor compels the admission that, as a rule, our 
English brethren in those days were not as successful in 
handling the Indian problem as were either the French or 
the Dutch. Perhaps, we had better say, were not as shrewd 
or diplomatic in their intercourse with the red man, and, 
consequently, did not share his friendship as strongly as did 
the other two peoples. It was pretty much, however, a 
difference of methods and not of results. When lands were 
wanted, with the Englishman it was generally a case of 
brutal frankness — stand and deliver, as we may say. With 
the Frenchman and the Dutchman there were more impres- 
sive preliminaries. There would be a pow-wow, much 
palavering — they smoked the pipe with the Indian and then 
proceeded to unload upon the unsuspecting red man a choice 
assortment of gold bricks, after which, I dare say, they went 
to their homes, thanking God, like the publican of old, that 
they were not as other men and that they had secured their 
lands by treaties. There were, of course, honorable excep- 
tions to all this — treaties that were honestly made, and I 
verily believe honestly adhered to; but I have failed to dis- 
cover in all my researches that in the long run the red man 
profited any more by the one process than he did by the 
other. I can only call to mind the somewhat grim, sarcastic 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 11 

expression so prevalent in these days — the operation was 
very successful, but the patient died. 

War was finally declared by England against France, 
May 17, 1756, and France returned the compliment on the 
9th day of June, following. Hostilities, nevertheless, had 
been in progress for nearly two years, and up to this period 
the wager of battle had been quite in favor of France, and 
there seemed a strong probability that the magnificent 
Parisian dream of a great French colonial empire in the new 
world, dominating and overshadowing all other interests, 
was about to be realized. Quebec on the St. Lawrence, well 
fortified and garrisoned, was the central point from which 
radiated French influence and activities. Montreal, 180 
miles farther up the St. Lawrence River, had also its fortifi- 
cations and French garrison. In 1745, during King George's 
War, the last colonial struggle between the French and the 
English, prior to the French and Indian War, Louisburg, a 
strongly fortified point on the Isle of Cape Breton, was cap- 
tured by the English, but under the treaty of Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle, already referred to, it had been restored to France. 
The French still held this important point. They had 
expended upon its fortifications upwards of five million 
dollars and it was frequently spoken of as the Gibraltar of 
North America. Back in 1732, they had penetrated North- 
ern New York and had seized and occupied Crown Point, 1 
strong, strategic point on Lake Champlain, and erected for- 
tifications, thus forming a barrier against any invasion of 
Canada from New York State. They had pushed their 
columns still further south and on Lake George, at what 
they called Tierondoga, had erected Fort Carillon, the for- 
tification more familiarly known to us as Fort Ticonderoga. 
Frontenac, on the northern shore of Lake Ontario, now the 
flourishing city of Kingston, Canada, and Detroit, on its 
present site, were both well fortified and garrisoned posts 
occupied by the French. They held Fort Niagara, at the 
mouth of the Niagara River, with its garrison of 600 or 700 
men, thereby controlling the portage around the great Falls 
of Niagara from Lewiston to Schlosser, with its important 



12 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

carrying trade and commerce. Fort Du Quesne, Presque 
Isle, Le Boeuf. and Venango, in Western Pennsylvania, 
were also garrisoned by French troops. Thence across 
Ohio, Indiana and down the Valley of the Mississippi, with 
its immense fur trade, stretching away to New Orleans, as 
the extreme southern outpost, were their trading posts and 
military stations, altogether about sixty in number, between 
Quebec in the north and New Orleans in the south. 

The English colonists occupied the Atlantic seaboard, east 
of the Alleghany Mountains, with a border line perhaps a 
thousand miles in length, reaching as far as the Penobscot in 
the northeast, with Boston, New York, Philadelphia and 
Baltimore as the principal cities in the more northerly prov- 
inces. Albany and Schenectady were beginning to be promi- 
nent in the annals of the day, and through the Mohawk 
Valley were sparse settlements, mostly of Holland Dutch, 
but among them a Palatine village. Oswego, occupying the 
same site as the present city of that name, was the most 
northwesterly fortified point held by the English in the 
province of New York. 

Fort Du Quesne, of which mention has been made, 
deserves more than a passing notice. It was originally 
planned by the Ohio Company, a corporation chartered bv 
the English Government, with a grant of 600,000 acres of 
land and the right of traffic with the Indians — a land com- 
pany, I should judge, much after the style of the Holland 
Land Company of our local history. In April. 1754, the 
company sent some thirty men to construct a fort at the 
junction of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers. Before 
finishing the work the men were attacked by the French 
and driven off. The French claimed that this was an en- 
croachment upon territory which was theirs by right of 
exploration and discovery. Colonel George Washington 
with a detachment of Virginia troops was about forty miles 
distant and endeavored to reach the spot. He was obliged 
to retire before the superior forces of the French, but a fight 
took place May 28th in which the French commander and 
some of his men were killed. Thus, almost two years before 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 13 

the actual declaration of war and with George Washington 
as the English commander, the first blood was shed in the 
long and eventful French and Indian War. Washington 
erected Fort Necessity at the Great Meadows near the 
national road from Cumberland to Washington in the south- 
eastern part of Fayette County, Pennsylvania. He received 
reinforcements and again advanced towards Fort Du 
Ouesne, but again was compelled to fall back before the 
greatly superior force of the enemy. He retired to Fort 
Necessity, was attacked by the French and Indians and 
compelled to surrender, which took place July 4, 1754. 
Colonel Washington, although but twenty-three years of 
age at the time, as the leader of the Colonial troops, partici- 
pated in another movement against Fort Du Quesne during 
the following year, his men being a part of the force com- 
manded by Gen. Edward Braddock. which, on the 9th day 
of July, 1755, met with a most disastrous defeat, about ten 
miles from the fort, a story with which you are all familiar. 
The old saying, "three times and out," was well exemplified 
in Washington's case. In 1758, for the third time, he led 
the Colonial troops, or as they were generally termed pro- 
vincials, in a movement against Fort Du Ouesne, General 
Forbes being the British commander. Success attended 
their efforts this time and after a long and tedious campaign 
the fort, on the 24th day of November of that year, 1758, 
fell into the hands of the English. Its name was changed 
to Fort Pitt, in honor of the great Prime Minister of Eng- 
land, evoluting, in later and more peaceful times, to Pitts- 
burg, the most thriving municipality in Western Pennsyl- 
vania. A peculiar circumstances was that Washington 
surrendered Fort Necessity to the French on the 4th day of 
July, a day destined a few years thereafter to become a 
milestone on the highway of the ages. Of the other places 
named, Presque Isle is now Erie; Le Boeuf, Waterford: 
and Venango, Franklin, Penn. 

There have been persons who imagined that Washington 
had had but little military training or experience when he 
assumed command of the Continental Army at Cambridge, 



14 THE XIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1/59- 

.Mass., in July, 1775, and that his appointment was primarily 
a political one, but such an impression must arise from pure 
ignorance. No officer in the colonies was better fitted for 
the command, both by training and' natural gifts, or had 
passed through a more varied experience than had the 
father of his country, and not to recognize his supreme 
qualifications for leadership is to underestimate the capacity 
and strength of character of the great chieftain. Over and 
above and permeating all his acts was his exalted patriotism 
— always subordinating personal desires for the welfare of 
his country, an ideal character for all the ages. It would 
also be interesting to notice some of the other prominent 
officers of the Continental Army, who, like Washington, 
served an honorable apprenticeship in the French and Indian 
War and other colonial struggles, but time will not permit. 
Such a list would include Israel Putnam, John Stark, Philip 
Schuyler, Charles Lee, Horatio Gates, Daniel Morgan, John 
Armstrong, William Mercer. Artemus Ward, Richard 
Montgomery, and William Prescott, the commander at 
Bunker Hill, who participated in the capture of Louisburg 
in 1745. Colonel Gridley, an engineer officer, who laid out 
the American works the day before the battle of Bunker 
Hill, participated in both the 1745 and 1758 sieges and cap- 
ture of Louisburg and in the capture of Quebec in 1759. 
When mention is made of General Gage we most naturally 
think of the English officer who was military governor of 
Massachusetts at the time of the stamp act riots, the Boston 
tea party, and other incidents which marked the outbreak of 
the American Revolution, but this same General Gage was 
the commander of the British forces with headquarters at 
Fort Niagara when it became a British military station after 
its surrender by the French in 1759. 

One strong character, however, looms up prominently in 
the annals of Central New York and the Niagara Frontier, 
thoroughly identified with the stirring events of the trouble- 
some period we are studying and who seems a part of our 
own history more than almost any other one man who 
assisted in shaping and molding events in that formative 




(1756) 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 16 

stage of colonial State building — Sir William Johnson, for 
many years Superintendent of Indian Affairs, the com- 
mander of the English forces in the decisive victory near 
Lake George, September 8, 1755, and, who after the death 
of General Prideaux, carried forward the siege of Fort 
Niagara to a successful issue, July 25, 1759. 

Sir William Johnson was a native of Ireland, but came 
to the Mohawk Valley in 1740 as the agent of his uncle, 
Admiral Sir Peter Warren of the English navy, the owner 
of some fifteen thousand acres of land in Montgomery 
County. He took up his home near his new tract and at 
once began that intercourse with the Indians which was 
destined to prove so beneficial to the English during the 
French and Indian War and other crises. He made himself 
familiar with their language, watched their habits and pecu- 
liarities, and by mildness, prudence and sagacity gained their 
favor and confidence, which was never withdrawn to the last 
day of his life. He was the one remarkable exception to the 
traditional lack of diplomacy and tact on the part of English 
officers of his time, in dealing with the always troublesome 
Indian problem. His home at Johnson Hall, in Johnstown. 
N. Y., for many years prior to his death was the scene of 
noted gatherings of Indian chieftains and conferences upon 
many topics, and so truthful was he in his dealings with 
them and yet so courageous and manly that no summons to 
a conference was ignored. In the course of his long and 
successful career he acquired large holdings of real estate, 
probably exceeding that of any other man of his time. 

Early in 1755 he received from General Braddock a 
commission as Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and this 
commission was renewed December 29th of the same year 
by General Shirley, who succeeded to the post of com- 
mander-in-chief upon the death of General Braddock. In 
April, 1755, upon the recommendation of the governors Of 
five English colonies, he was appointed by General Shirley 
a major general to command the troops raised in those 
colonies for an expedition against the French stronghold at 
Crown Point, and a similar commission was issued to him 



16 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

by Governor Delancey of the Province of New York. He 
held this rank when in command of the troops which encoun- 
tered the French at Lake George on the 8th day of Septem- 
ber following, winning with them a decisive victory. 

In speaking of him the London Gentleman's Magazine 
Eor September, 1755, prints the following extract from a 
letter written in America: 

"Maj. Gen. Johnson (an Irish gentleman) is universally 
esteemed in our parts for the part he sustains. Besides his 
skill and experience as an officer he is particularly happy in 
making himself beloved by all sorts of people and can con- 
form to all companies and conversations. He is very much 
of a fine gentleman in genteel company. But as the inhabi- 
tants next to him are mostly Dutch, he sits down with them 
and smokes his tobacco, drinks flips and talks of improve- 
ments, bear and beaver skins. Being surrounded with 
Indians, he speaks several of their languages and has always 
some of them with him. His house is a safe and hospitable 
retreat for them from the enemy. He takes care of their 
wives and children when they go out in parties and even 
wears their dress. In short, by his honest dealings with 
them in trade, and his courage, which has often been suc- 
cessfully tried with them, and his courteous behavior he has 
so endeared himself to them that they chose him one of their 
chief sachems or princes and esteem him as their common 
father." 

In March, 1756, he received from the British Crown a 
commission as colonel, agent and sole superintendent of the 
Six Nations and other Northern Indians, to which latter 
position was attached a salary of 600 pounds per annum. 
He received also from the British Parliament a grant of 
5,000 pounds and from the King the title of baronet. 

His busy and active life, which cannot he fully outlined 
here, came to a sudden end June 24, 1774, at his home in 
Johnstown, after having for nearly thirty-five years exer- 
cised a one-man power, never before or since surpassed on 
this continent — perhaps not equalled. 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 17 

There were no general hostilities in 1754 excepting mur- 
derous depredations by Indians upon the New England 
frontier. Emissaries from the French also were busy among 
the tribes west of the Alleghanies in an effort to incite them 
to a war of extermination against the English. 

A very important feature of that year's history was the 
convention held at Albany for the purpose of securing 
unity of action among the colonies. It was participated in 
by New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connec- 
ticut, New York, Pennsylvania and Maryland. A plan of 
confederation proposed by Benjamin Franklin of Pennsyl- 
vania was adopted on the 4th day of July, the same day upon 
which Washington surrendered Fort Necessity, and twenty- 
two years prior to the greater 4th day of July, 1776. The 
plan was not ratified and was literally kicked from both 
sides — it being considered too aristocratic in America and 
too democratic in England. 

In February, 1755, Edward Braddock, a distinguished 
British officer, arrived at Chesapeake Bay, holding a com- 
mission as commander-in-chief of all the regular British and 
provincial troops in America, and at his request the gover- 
nors of Massachusetts, Virginia, New York, Maryland, 
Pennsylvania, and North Carolina met with him at Alexan- 
dria in April following, to complete arrangements for a vig- 
orous campaign. Three separate expeditions were deter- 
mined upon — one against Fort Du Quesne, to be led by 
Braddock himself; a second against Frontenac and Fort 
Niagara, to be commanded by General Shirley, a really 
meritorious officer, although shortly afterwards he was 
retired by his government under a cloud ; and a third 
against Crown Point, under the leadership of General 
William Johnson. These extensive arrangements sanc- 
tioned by the home government, although war had not been 
formally declared, aroused much enthusiasm among the 
colonists, and the legislatures of the several colonies, except- 
ing Pennsylvania and Georgia, voted men, money, and 
supplies for the war. Of the three expeditions the one 
against Fort Du Quesne under Braddock met with disaster 



18 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

and defeat July 9th. General Shirley proceeded to Oswego 
to engage in the movement against Frontenac and Fort 
Niagara, but time and efforts were frittered away and the 
expedition was finally abandoned. The third, under Gen- 
eral William Johnson, defeated the French and their Indian 
allies near Lake George, September 8th. During this cam- 
paign the English troops built near Lake George Fort 
Edward and Fort William Henry which they continued to 
occupy while the French retired to their strong positions at 
Fort Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Not deeming his force 
sufficiently strong to continue the forward movement, Gen- 
eral Johnson abandoned further offensive operations and 
returned to Albany. 

With the opening of the year 1756 even the inefficient, 
halting and indecisive British ministry awoke to a realization 
that not only was English prestige in America threatened, 
but there was danger also of a loss of colonial possessions 
and that all thought of peace must be abandoned. War was 
declared May 17th. General Shirley, who became com- 
mander-in-chief upon the death of General Braddock, was 
recalled and Lord Loudon substituted with General Aber- 
crombie as his chief lieutenant. Again magnificent cam- 
paigns in theory and dire disaster and confusion of plans in 
results. 

Projected — Ten thousand men to attack Crown Point ; 
6,000 men to proceed against Fort Niagara ; 3,000 against 
Fort Du Quesne, and 2,000 to attack French settlements on 
the Chaudiere River. 

Accomplished — Nothing. 

Disaster — Loss of Oswego, August 14, 1756. The Mar- 
quis de Montcalm, better known for his defense of Quebec 
against General Wolfe in 1759, was now in command of all 
the French forces. He collected some 5,000 Frenchmen, 
Canadians and Indians at Frontenac, crossed Lake Ontario, 
and at once assailed the English in their forts at Oswego. 
A brave resistance was made, but without avail, and on 
August 14, 1756, the garrison was obliged to surrender, 
together with a large amount of military stores, 135 pieces 




KILLED IN THE MOVEMENT AGAINST FORT TICONDEROGA. 
JULY, 1758 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 19 

of artillery and several vessels in the harbor. The French 
proceeded to demolish the forts and returned to Canada. 

It was a direful disaster and all other expeditions were 
abandoned. Forts Edward and William Henry at Lake 
George were strengthened and 1,500 volunteers and drafted 
militia placed in stockades for the defense of the Virginia 
and Pennsylvania frontiers, under the command, as usual, 
of Colonel George Washington. 

The Six Nations perceiving also, as they thought, the 
waning power of England, became restless and uneasy and 
only the strong arm and marvelous power of Sir William 
Johnson, for the time being, stood between the frontier 
settlements and a cruel, bloodthirsty carnival of butchery 
and arson. 

The year 1757, according to the program of Loudon, the 
British commander-in-chief, was to be distinguished by one 
grand campaign, an expedition against Louisburg and noth- 
ing in addition to this save only the defense of the frontiers. 
But again, the story can be told, with a slight change of 
nationalities, by the familiar couplet : 

"The King of France, with twice ten thousand men, 
Marched up hill and then marched down again." 

Loudon sailed from New York June 20th, with 6,000 
provincials, furnished by the ever-willing colonies. In fact, 
if the colonists, brave, courageous and accustomed to hard- 
ship, had been left to themselves to carry on the war with 
their own troops, under their own officers, in their own way, 
they would have made short work of the whole business. 
But handicapped by an inefficient, vacillating home ministry, 
thousands of miles away and with limited facilities for 
transportation, receiving scant support in troops and money, 
misled, betrayed and disgraced by incompetent commanders 
sent from the mother country — officers with no experience 
in the peculiar methods of warfare needed in the woodlands 
of America, and who time and again invited disaster by 
refusing to listen to the trained frontiersmen, little wonder 



20 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

is it that so many humiliating chapters in those early years 
have to be recorded by the impartial historian. 

At Halifax, June 30th, Loudon was joined by Admiral 
Holborne with sixteen ships and 5,000 English regulars, a 
magnificent equipment ample for the undertaking. Won- 
derful stories of the strength of the French force inside of 
their forts at Louisburg, unquestionably the most formid- 
able works on the Western continent, and of their ships in 
the harbor came to the ears of Loudon and the expedition 
was forthwith abandoned. The inefficient and dilatory com- 
mander reached New York late in August about the same 
time as did the news of another disaster. 

The close of July found Montcalm, the French com- 
mander who, the preceding year, had captured and despoiled 
Oswego, at the foot of Lake George with 9,000 men — 2.000 
of whom were Indians. Montcalm, fighting under the lilies 
of France, was a true soldier and a capable officer. He 
proceeded up the lake, encamping about two miles from 
Fort William Henry. To resist this formidable host. Lieut. - 
Col. George Monro, commanding the fort, had just 449 men 
within the fort and only 1,700 in a fortified camp on a rocky 
eminence near the site of Fort George. 

August 4th a demand for surrender was refused and 
Montcalm, having placed his artillery in position, opened 
fire. It was returned from the fort with spirit and earnest- 
ness. The unequal contest continued five days. 

General Webb, commander in the absence of Lord 
Loudon, with four thousand men, was at Fort Edward, 
within sound of the artillery duel, and messenger after 
messenger reached him from the fort begging for aid, but 
he was as one in a stupor or paralyzed. 

Sir William Johnson, at Fort Johnson, as his home was 
then called, heard of the French advance, and summoning a 
force of militia and Indians, hastened to the relief, as he 
supposed, of General Webb. On his arrival at Fort Edward 
he learned the true situation and it was only after repeated 
solicitations that he was allowed to start for beleaguered 
Fort William Henry. In this perilous duty he was joined 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 17 59- 21 

by a battalion of stalwart rangers, under command of a 
pugnacious Connecticut farmer, one Israel Putnam, and a 
detachment of provincials under Colonel Rogers, but the 
column had scarcely got under way when the permission 
was cancelled by the cowardly, craven-hearted Webb. 

Deserted by his commander and with no prospect of 
succor, Colonel Monro surrendered to the French August 
9th. He was granted honorable terms, among others the 
privilege to march with his surviving troops to Fort Ed- 
ward. The next morning they assembled for this purpose, 
but were attacked by the savage Indians who had accom- 
panied the French. Despite the efforts of Montcalm and 
some of his subordinate officers, who hastened to the rescue 
of the unfortunate provincials, many of them were slain 
before the furious attack of the savages could be stayed. 

By order of Montcalm, the walls of the fort were leveled 
to the ground and everything combustible destroyed. The 
French then retired to their fortifications at Ticonderoga. 

November 12th of the same year witnessed the destruc- 
tion of the Palatine village on the German flats in the 
Mohawk valley, the massacre of many of its residents and 
capture of about 150 in addition to those slain. The village 
consisted of about sixty dwellings and five block houses. 
The murderous raid occurred at 3 o'clock in the morning and 
was conducted by some 300 Canadians and Indians. 

In the meantime, while these events were transpiring in 
America, a great political revolution had taken place in 
England. Popular discontent with the imbecile ministry 
had become so widespread and outspoken that the New- 
castle administration was overthrown, and there came to 
the head of the cabinet one who was destined to wield a 
might}' influence in enlarging the sphere of his country's 
influence and to whom empires were playthings and oceans 
were highways — William Pitt — Earl of Chatham — whose 
commanding genius was soon to permeate every sphere of 
official action and to be felt in every quarter of the globe. 

Pitt was always a friend of the colonies. He saw in them 
the germ of a great empire and his advent to power was 



22 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

received with rejoicing. His call for men and supplies to 
forward the war vigorously was like the blast of Roderick 
Dhu's horn in the Scottish highlands when every shrub and 
bush became an armed man. Troops were raised with 
alacrity, and even the faraway Carolinas sent men to take 
part in the final campaigns. Twelve thousand regulars were 
allotted to the service in America and Pitt promised tents 
and other supplies and reimbursement for money expendi- 
tures, all of which promises were scrupulously kept. The 
incompetent Loudon and the cowardly Webb were recalled 
and Abercrombie appointed commander with Lord Amherst 
as his chief lieutenant. So general was the response to the 
calls for troops that by May, 1758. Abercrombie found 
himself at the head of perhaps 50,000 men ready for field 
service. 

Three great movements were attempted, one against 
Ticonderoga, led by Abercrombie, which, owing principally 
to a lack of judgment and care on the part of the com- 
mander, met with the terrible defeat July 9th, of which we 
were told at our last meeting; a second one against Fort Du 
Ottesne. which after many delays and obstacles met with 
success November 24th in the capture of that point ; the 
other expedition was once more directed against Louisburg, 
long the objective point of attack by British officers. The 
last named movement was conducted by Lord Anthers:, 
who sailed from Halifax May 28th with 40 ships. 100 trans- 
ports and 12,000 troops. A siege of nearly two months 
ensued with a loss to the assailants of over 400, and of 
1,500 to the besieged. On July 26th the town and forts 
were surrendered by the French with 5,000 prisoners and 
large quantities of military stores. This capture, so long 
looked forward to. and so often deferred, caused intense 
rejoicing. Another brilliant movement this year was the 
capture of Frontenac by Col. John Bradstreet, a brave and 
venturesome officer, who with 3,000 men crossed Lake 
Ontario from Oswego, which had been refortified by the 
English, and on the 27th of August captured fort, garrison 
and shipping. Owing to an epidemic which broke out in 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 17 59- 23 

his camp he returned to New York with the balance of his 
troops and at Rome assisted in the construction of Fort 
Stanwix. 

We have now reached the great year of victory, 1759. 
which was the original subject selected for our study, 
before it was thought wise to relate some of the preceding 
events. Hope now animated every breast in the colonies. 
Much had been accomplished towards restoring the prestige 
and supremacy of the English flag. The effect upon the 
Indians was remarkable. Many tribes, the Delawares and 
Swegatchies especially, openly forsook their French alli- 
ances and hastened to make peace with the now victorious 
English. The Six Nations and other northern tribes, ex- 
cepting perhaps the Senecas. fairly trod upon one another 
in their efforts to assure Sir William Johnson of their 
friendship. Nevertheless the French were in possession of 
the fortified points — Fort Niagara, Crown Point and Ticon- 
deroga, all in the province of New York, and maintained 
their alliances with a number of the tribes. There could be 
no peace while these conditions continued, and the edict 
went forth from the lion-hearted Pitt that not only should 
these strongholds be subdued, but that Quebec likewise 
must be added to the list of conquered points and the over- 
throw of the French power in America completed for all 
time. Abercrombie was recalled and Amherst, the con- 
queror of Louisburg, made supreme commander. The 
notes of preparation for the final struggle were heard on 
every hand. General Prideaux, a skillful and accomplished 
officer, was assigned to command the movement against 
Fort Niagara, with Sir William Johnson second in com- 
mand, and with this contingent and its work we shall have 
principally to deal hereafter. It was well directed and sys- 
tematically carried forward to a successful issue. In addi- 
tion to the regular siege operations, one pitched battle was 
fought which determined the final outcome of the cam- 
paign. More troops were employed for this movement than 
had the Americans at either Lundy's Lane or Bunker Hill, 
and yet how much we have all heard of both of those con- 



24 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

tests and how little of the siege of Fort Niagara. Somehow, 
the average history is strangely deficient in a complete 
record of this campaign, while profusely discoursing on 
many details of far less importance. 

The capture of Fort Niagara meant much to the colonies 
and much to the new world. It was not an isolated cam- 
paign, but one feature of a gigantic movement, planned by a 
master intellect, for the conquest of a continent, and was of 
transcendent importance in determining the issue of that 
conquest. The commanding position and far-reaching influ- 
ence of the fort was long recognized by both parties and its 
possession "a consummation devoutly to be wished." The 
troops ordered for this service assembled at Oswego and 
proceeded up the lake in batteaux, landing at a small bay, 
about four miles east of the fort. Regular siege operations 
were at once begun and pushed forward with energy and 
military directness. During the siege General Prideaux 
was most unfortunately killed by the explosion of a shell 
in his own camp, but the command falling upon Sir William 
Johnson, that officer carried forward the undertaking even 
more vigorously than before the death of his chief. The 
fort surrendered July 25, 1759. The full story of the cam- 
paign, as told in the reports of the French commander and 
Sir William Johnson, the full importance attached to the 
fort by both French and English authorities and the effect 
of its capture upon the final outcome of the entire struggle 
must be reserved for another time. 

The French and Indian War, of which the Niagara cam- 
paign of 1759 formed an important feature, was marked by 
many interesting episodes which cannot possibly be recalled 
within the limits of a paper like this. One remarkable coin- 
cidence comes to my mind. In the last and successful expe- 
dition against Louisburg, under Lord Amherst, in 1758, two 
young men, one only twenty-two years old, and the other 
thirty-two, held subordinate positions and fought side In- 
side under the same flag, sharing in the dangers of tin- siege 
and participating in the glory that came to the conquerors. 
It fell to the lot of each of these young men, subsequently. 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 25 

to lead an army up the rocky heights of Quebec to wrest it 
from an enemy, and go to death in the hour of expected 
victory — James Wolfe in 1759 and Richard Montgomery 
in 1775. 

With all its bloody details, and humiliating and disgrace- 
ful chapters, this can be said of the French and Indian war, 
and it is enough to give it an honorable place on the immor- 
tal pages of a never-fading history — it developed the martial 
spirit of the colonies, gave them confidence in themselves 
and was the West Point from which came Washington and 
many other gallant men, who, a few years later, in the great 
war for Independence, led the Continental armies to glorious 
victory. 



SECOND PAPER 

Read at a Meeting of the Buffalo Association, Society of Colonial Wars, 
November 16, 1905. 



He who passes through the Niagara Gorge for the first 
time and beholds the turbulent waters of Niagara River in 
the vicinity of the Whirlpool, is little prepared for the beau- 
tiful landscape which opens to view a few miles farther 
north. The rush of the waters abates by degrees until, 
reaching Lake Ontario, they gently glide into the larger 
body in a leisurely manner, forming a scene which, when 
viewed from the mountains south, is almost entrancing. 

On the east side of the river, in the angle formed by the 
river and the lake, stands an old, historic and time-honored 
fortification, and, although it does not throw a lurid glare 
across the pages of history like Gibraltar, Sebastopol. or 
Port Arthur, to the resident of the Niagara Frontier it has 
a past that is at once interesting and fascinating — Old Fort 
Niagara. To trace its history from the beginning we must 
go back over 200 years, and prior to the close of the year 
1815 it was the scene of many conflicts and historic episodes. 



26 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF J759- 

Originally built by the French, there have waved over its 
ramparts, first, the lilies of France; then from July, 1759. 
the Union Jack of England ; then, after the American Revo- 
lution and the hold-over period, the Stars and Stripes ; 
again for a short time, the Union Jack of Old England, and, 
lastly, once more, our own Star-Spangled Banner, which 
has flown to the breeze in profound peace over this historic 
spot during nearly a century. 

Those of you who were present at the very pleasant 
meeting held by our Society in April last will undoubtedly 
recall the salient points of the paper read that evening. The 
general theme was the same as that of this evening — "The 
Niagara Campaign of 175'/' — but the pages were principally 
devoted to a review of the prominent events of the French 
and Indian war prior to and leading up to the great vear of 
victory — 1759. We recall how. in the first few years of the 
conflict, victory seemed assured to the French cause, but 
that later, under the administration of a more capable and 
vigorous home government in England, the French were 
gradually pushed back, lost ground was regained, and some 
of the humiliating and disgraceful chapters of the earlier 
period supplemented by important victories. 

Since that evening a very valuable and interesting his- 
torical work has come under my observation, and among 
many other items found was a full description of the great 
French stronghold, Louisburg, on the Isle of Cape Breton 
in the Bay of Fundy. Louisburg played such an important 
part in our Colonial history that I feel justified in giving it 
just a few minutes more attention this evening. In our first 
paper we spoke of its capture in 1758 by the force under 
command of Lord Amherst, and the author of the work in 
question, Prof. James Grahame, furnishes the following 
description of Louisburg at that time : 

"The town of Louisburg was built by the French on the 
island of Cape Breton, soon after the Peace of Utrecht. It 
was designed for the security of the French shipping and 
fisheries, and was fortified with a rampart of stone thirty- 
six feet in height, and a ditch eighty feet in width. There 




COMMANDER OF THE BRITISH ARMY WHICH ASSAULTED AND 
CAPTURED QUEBEC. SEPTEMBER. 1759 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 27 

were six bastions and three batteries, containing embrasures 
for 148 pieces of cannon, of which sixty-five were mounted, 
and sixteen mortars. On an island at the entrance of the 
harbor was planted a battery of thirty cannons carrying 
shot of the weight of twenty-eight pounds ; and at the bot- 
tom of the harbor, directly opposite to the entrance, was the 
grand or royal battery, containing twenty-eight cannons 
that carried balls of forty-two pounds, and two of smaller 
dimensions. The entrance of the town, on the land side, 
was at the west gate, across a drawbridge, near to which 
was a circular battery, mounting sixteen guns that carried 
shot of twenty-four pounds. Twenty-five years had been 
spent in building these works, which, though still uncom- 
pleted, had cost France at least thirty millions of livres. 
The place was deemed so strong as to be impregnable ex- 
cept by blockade, and was styled by some The Dunkirk, 
and by others The Gibraltar of America. In peace, it 
afforded a safe and convenient retreat for the ships of 
France homeward bound from the East and West Indies ; 
and in war, it formed a source of distress and annoyance to 
the northern English colonies, by harboring the numerous 
privateers which infested their coasts for the destruction 
of their fishery and the interruption of their general com- 
merce. It manifestly tended, besides, to facilitate the reac- 
quisition of Nova Scotia by France, — an event which would 
cause an instant and formidable increase in the numerical 
strength of the enemies of the British crown and people. 
The reduction of Louisburg was, for these reasons, an 
object of ardent desire and of the highest importance to 
New England." 

Against these apparently impregnable fortifications, Lord 
Amherst conducted in 1758 an expedition of forty ships, 
over one hundred transports, and 12,000 troops, and after 
a siege of two months effected its reduction, — this almost 
150 years ago, sailing from a country that was compara- 
tively a wilderness, at an era when steam navigation was 
unknown and the home government separated by a vast 
ocean, 3,000 miles in width, across which troops and muni- 



28 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

tions of war could only be transported by the crude 
methods then in vogue. Considering the opportunities and 
facilities then afforded, many of the operations of the 
French and Indian war challenge admiration for their bold- 
ness and magnitude. No flotilla of similar extent traversed 
American waters again until the outbreak of the Civil War, 
more than one hundred years later. 

From the earliest stages of the conflict Fort Niagara was 
a prominent object of consideration in the plans and calcu- 
lations of those who were organizing the British campaigns, 
and it may not be uninteresting to recall some of the testi- 
monies of those earlier days as a sort of expression of the 
importance with which Fort Niagara was regarded. 

Mr. Wynne, an English writer, who is the author of a 
work published in London in 1770, entitled "A General 
History of the British Empire in America: A Historical 
Review of all the Countries of North America ceded by the 
Peace of Paris," uses the following glowing language in 
regard to Fort Niagara: 

"Niagara is, without exception, the most important post 
in America, and secures a greater number of communica- 
tions, through a more extensive country, than, perhaps, any 
other pass in the world ; for it is situated at the very 
entrance of a strait by which Lake Ontario is joined to Lake 
Erie, which is connected with the other three great lakes by 
the course of the vast River St. Lawrence, which runs 
through them all, and carries their superfluous waters to 
the ocean." — "From the time when the French were first 
acquainted with this place, they were fully sensible of its 
importance both with respect to trade and dominion. They 
made several attempts to establish themselves here; but the 
Indians constantly opposed it, and obliged them to relin- 
quish a fort which they had built, and guarded this spot for 
a long time with a very severe and prudent jealousy. 

"But whilst we neglected to cultivate the love of the 
Indians, the French omitted no endeavors to gain these 
savages to their interest; and prevailed at last, under the 
name of a trading house, to erect a strong fort at the mouth 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 29 

of the strait. This advantage was obtained for his country 
by a French officer of an enterprising genius, who had been 
a prisoner among the Iroquois (one of the tribes of the Six 
Nations) for a long time, and, according to their custom, 
was naturalized, and became very popular among them. 
. . . The trading-house which he obtained leave to build, 
extended and strengthened by various additions, at last 
became a regular fortress, which had ever since awed the 
Six Nations and checked our colonies. 

"As to these immense lakes, which are all, in a manner, 
commanded by this fort, the reader need only cast his eyes 
on the map of North America, and be convinced of their 
importance. They afford by far the most extensive inland 
navigation in the whole universe. Whoever is master of 
them must, sooner or later, command the whole continent. 
They are all surrounded by a fine, fruitful country, in a 
temperate, pleasant climate. The day may possibly come, 
ivhen this noble country, which seems calculated for uni- 
versal empire, will sufficiently display its own importance.'' 

We of this generation have had the glorious privilege of 
witnessing the fulfillment of this prophecy. 

Mr. Pownall, who seems to to have given considerable 
attention to Indian affairs, in an address read at the Con- 
gress held at Albany, July n, 1754. spoke as follows con- 
cerning the scheme or design of building the fort at 
Niagara : 

"Such a Fort as this might easily interrupt the com- 
merce betwixt these people and the English and Dutch in 
New York. Their custom is to carry to New York the 
skins of Elks, Beavers and several sorts of Beasts which 
they hunt and seek after for two or three hundred leagues 
from their own home. Now, they being obliged to pass 
and repass near to this mouth of the River Niagara, we 
might easily stop them by fair means in time of peace, or 
by open force in time of war, and thus oblige them to turn 
their commerce upon Canada." 

Early in 1755, General Edward Braddock, a distin- 
guished British officer, arrived in America under a com- 



30 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

mission appointing him commander-in-chief of all the Eng- 
ish troops in America. From a lengthy document, entitled 
"Secret instructions for Our Trusty and Well-beloved 
Edward Braddock, Esq., Major General of Our Forces, 
and whom we have appointed General and Commander, 
of all and singular Troops and Forces, that are now in 
North America, and that shall be sent, or raised there, to 
vindicate our just rights and possessions in those parts. 
Given at Our Court at St. James's the 25th day of Novem- 
ber. 1754. in the 28th year of Our Reign," signed by the 
King, we extract the following: 

"3d. The next service, which is of the greatest import- 
ance, and therefore demands the utmost care and attention, 
is the dislodging the French from the Forts they now have 
at the Falls and passes of the Niagara; and the erecting 
such a fort there, as shall, for the future, make His 
Majesty's subjects masters of the Lake Ontario; by that 
means cutting off the communication between the French 
Forces on the Mississippi. It is Our pleasure, that it, for 
this purpose, you should think it necessary to have ships 
upon the said Lake Ontario, you shall concert with the 
Commander-in-Chief of Our Ships and the Governors of 
New England and New York, the manner and means of 
Building and manning such vessels as shall be most proper 
for that service." 

In a letter written by Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey, 
of the colony of New York, to Sir Thomas Robinson, Sec- 
retary of the Lords of Trade, dated New York. 15th 
December, 1754, he says: 

"Niagara is a remarkable and important pass between 
the Lakes Ontario and Erie, which the French forces use 
in their way from Montreal to the Ohio; so that if we 
should become masters of it, there would be an end of their 
encroachments in that quarter, as they would then be obliged 
to take so long a circuit and attended with such difficulties 
as would render the marching a body of men to the Ohio 
in a manner impracticable. The advantages arising from 
these forts would be very considerable, as they would 




COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN NORTH 
AMERICA. 1759 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 17 59- 31 

encourage those Indians who are well affected to us, fix the 
wavery, and be a restraint and check on those who are in- 
clined to the French. Add to this, if the fort at Oswego 
standing at the mouth of the river where it empties itself 
into the Lake Ontario were enlarged and strongly garri- 
soned, the French might be deprived of all intercourse with 
the Onondagas and Oneyda Indians ; for one branch of 
that river comes from Onondaga and the other from the 
Oneida country, and after their confluence pass under the 
fort at Oswego. If these things be done I am persuaded 
the Six Nations will readily join us in any enterprize 
against the French, and we should soon be an overmatch 
for them and prevent them from drawing off so many of 
our Indians as they continually do, for which purpose they 
spare no arts nor money." 

Governor Shirley of Massachusetts colony, writing to 
Secretary Robinson from Boston, New England, March 24, 
1755- says: 

"The dislodging of the French from these Forts. Sir, 
and building a defensible fort some where on the Streight 
between Lake Erie and Lake Ontario with one or two ves- 
sells of force upon each lake to command the navigation 
of them, and a few small fortify'd places of Shelter upon 
the River Ohio, would in all appearance most effectually 
put an end to the encroachments of the French there from 
Montreal ; and as to those w ch may be expected from the 
Mississippi, after their support from Canada is cut off, it 
seems probable that they would scarce attempt any, or if 
they should, that a most easy conquest might be made of 
them. 

"Having observed to you, Sir, of what importance I 
conceive the reduction of the French Forts at the Falls of 
Niagara would be to his Majesty's Western Colonies in 
particular, I shall now proceed to state the advantages 
which I apprehend would arise to all His Colonies in general 
upon this Continent from the operations proposed to be 
carry'd on at the same time in the Eastern part of them." 



32 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

In another letter from Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey 
to Secretary Robinson, dated at New York, August 7, 1755, 
he further says : 

"The same Battoes which carry the train, provisions, 
ettc., for the Army to Oswego may carry them to Niagara, 
and being transported above the Falls, the same may carry 
them to Presqu Isle, the Fort on the south side of Lake 
Erie, so that it will be practicable to bring the expence of 
such an expedition into a moderate compass far less than 
the expence of Waggons, horses, ettc. which are necessary 
in an expedition by Land from Virginia to the Ohio; be- 
sides that, proceeding from Virginia to Fort Du Quesne, if 
it be taken, it is only cutting off a toe, but taking Niagara 
and Presqu Isle you lopp -off a limb from the French and 
greatly disable them." 

In a letter of instructions to Major-General Amherst 
from Secretary Pitt, written at Whitehall, December 29, 
1758. the Prime Minister enjoins him as follows: 

"It were much to be wished that any operations on the 
side of Lake Ontario could be pushed on as far as Niagara, 
and that you may find it practicable to set on foot some 
enterprize against the Fort there, the success of which 
would so greatly contribute to establish the uninterrupted 
dominion of that Lake, and, at the same time, effectually 
cut off the communication between Canada and the French 
settlements to the South; and the utility and importance of 
such an enterprize against Niagara is of itself so apparent 
that I am persuaded it is unnecessary to add anything to 
enforce your giving all proper attention to the same, as 
far as the great main objects of the campaign shall permit." 

We have also the testimony of our distinguished friend, 
Sir William Johnson, who, in writing to the Lords of Trade 
from Fort Johnson, May 17, 1759, uses the following lan- 
guage : 

"The Reduction of Niagara, and if well conducted 1 
think we cannot fail of success, will be in the light I view 
it a point of inestimable advantage to the security and wel- 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 33 

fare of these His Majesty's Dominions, and if the Conquest 
is rightly improved, will throw such an extensive Indian 
Trade and Interest (for they are inseparable) into our 
hands, as will in my humble opinion oversett all those ambi- 
tious and lucrative schemes which the French have pro- 
jected and in pursuit of which they were interrupted by the 
present war in this part of the world. 

"Whilst the French are in possession of Niagara in vain 
will our repossession of Oswego and re-establishing an 
Indian Trade there enable us to hold the Ballance from 
them either in Indian Interest or Trade. 

"The many Nations of Westward Indians in comparison 
with whom the Six Nations are but a handful must pass by 
Niagara in order to come to Oswego, where the French stop 
them and their goods, secure them by negotiations and 
engross their Trade. This we felt for some years before the 
War began when very few of those Indians came to trade 
with us to Oswego and latterly the chief Trade there was 
rather carried on with the French than Indians, by which 
means our enemies procured assortments and supplies of 
Goods from us to support their Trade at and from Ni- 
agara." 

War was not formally declared by England against 
France until May, 1756, but nevertheless hostilities had been 
in progress for two years prior to that time, and early in 
1755, as stated, General Braddock arrived in America with 
two British regiments and with instructions from the King, 
as we have already intimated, to prosecute military opera- 
tions with vigor and persistence. Fort Niagara was selected 
as one of the points to be attacked, and> to Governor Shirley 
of Massachusetts Colony was assigned the duty of organ- 
izing the expedition for this purpose. General Braddock 
himself led a combined force of regulars and provincials 
against Fort Du Ouesne, going to disaster and death July 9, 
1755, near the Fort. Among the spoils taken from Brad- 
dock's troops by the French and Indians was his artillery 
train, and it seems the very irony of fate that these same 
cannon were transported to Fort Niagara and became a 



34 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 17 59- 

part of the armament of the fort, falling again into English 
hands July 25, 1759. with the surrender of the fort. 

The troops for Governor Shirley's movement against 
Niagara were ordered to rendezvous at Oswego, but it was 
late in August before any considerable number reached this 
point. The news of Braddock's defeat caused great depres- 
sion, desertions became numerous, various delays and vexa- 
tious hindrances intervened and the project was finally 
abandoned. 

In 1756 Fort Niagara was named in the magnificent, 
high-sounding, theoretical schemes of Lord Loudon, who 
succeeded General Shirley as commander-in-chief, but noth- 
ing substantial materialized and it was not considered in 
any of the plans for 1757 and 1758. 

In the meantime the French had not been idle, and appre- 
ciating that sooner or later attempts would be made against 
the fort, proceeded to strengthen it in many ways. Captain 
Francois Pouchot, of one of the French regiments, an 
engineer of considerable skill and who surrendered the fort 
to Sir William Johnson in July, 1759, reached Niagara with 
some of his regiment in October, 1755, and immediately 
commenced the work of reconstructing the fort. Houses 
for his troops were built after the Canadian manner. These 
consisted of round logs of oak notched into each other at 
the corners, and were speedily erected. Each had a chim- 
ney in the middle, some windows and a plank roof. Rushes, 
marsh grass, or straw rolled in diluted clay were driven in 
between the logs and the whole plastered. 

In March. 1756, the cannon taken from Braddock ar- 
rived at the fort and the work of strengthening the fort had 
been carried on through the whole of the preceding winter, 
some 300 men being in the garrison. In July, 1756, the de- 
fenses were nearly completed and Captain Pouchot left the 
fort. He returned again as commandant, with his own regi- 
ment in October, 1756, remaining there for one year, during 
which time he still further strengthened the fort, and when 
he left he reported that "Fort Niagara and its buildings 
were completed and its covered ways stockaded." 




The Hem 1 ?" E D WARD BOS C AWEN, Admiral 
of theBlue Squadron. 



COMMANDER OF THE FLEET ENGAGED IN THE SIEGE AND 
CAPTURE OF LOUISBURG, JULY. 1758 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 35 

Captain Pouchot, on April 30, 1759, again arrived at Fort 
Niagara to take command and occupied the position until 
the surrender to the English, July 25th following. He 
found, as he complains, that nothing had been done to the 
fort since he left it, — that its ramparts were giving way, the 
turning had all crumbled off, and the escarpment and 
counter escarpment of the fosses much filled up. He 
mounted two pieces to keep up appearances in case of a 
siege. By July Pouchot had finished repairing the ramparts 
and he gives us this description of the defense: 

"The batteries of the bastions which were in barbette had 
not yet been finished. They were built of casks and filled 
with earth. He had since his arrival constructed some 
pieces of blindage of oak, fourteen inches square and fifteen 
feet long, which extended behind the great house on the 
lake shore, the place most sheltered for a hospital. Along 
the faces of the powder magazine to cover the wall and 
serve as casements, he had built a large storehouse with 
the pieces secured at the top by a ridge. Here the guns and 
gunsmiths were placed. We may remark that this kind of 
work is excellent for field-forts in wooded countries, and 
they serve very well for barracks and magazines, a bomb 
could only fall upon an oblique surface and could do little 
harm because this structure is very solid." 

It is quite evident that the fort was in a fairly defensible 
condition when the siege operations were commenced. 

Captain Pouchot reports that the garrison of the fort at 
this time consisted of 149 regulars, 183 men of colonial 
companies, 133 militia and twenty-one cannoniers, a total 
of 486 soldiers, and, in addition, thirty-nine employes, of 
whom five were women or children. These served in the 
infirmary, as did also two ladies, and sewed cartridge bags 
and made bags for earth. 

To these were added later Chabert Joncaire and the force 
from Port Little Niagara and probably some other small 
detachments. 

There were also some Indians in the fort, and the officers 
may not have been included in this number. The fort was 
capable of accommodating r.ooo men. 



36 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

A corvette, called the "Iroquoise," fully manned and 
carrying ten or twelve guns, arrived at Niagara July 6th, 
and, during the early part of the siege at least, its com- 
mander placed himself under Captain Pouchot's orders. 

During these same years importanil events had taken 
place in other portions of the colonies. A tremendous Mow 
had been given to British prestige and power in the capture 
of Oswego by the French forces under the Marquis de 
Montcalm in 1756. This confirmed French control over the 
western lakes and the valley of the Mississippi. Their 
strong position in northern New York gave them command 
of Lake Champlain and Lake George. Their occupation of 
Fort Du Ouesne enabled them to cultivate the friendship 
and retain the attachment of the Indian tribes west of the 
Alleghanies. Their line of communication from Quebec to 
Louisiana was unbroken, and they were masters of the vast 
territory which lay towards the setting sun in unknown and 
unmeasured leagues and bounds. At the opening of the 
year 1758 the whole American continent apparently seemed 
destined to pass under French dominion, but it was only 
the star at its zenith — the sun at high noon — the high-water 
mark. Henceforward there was to he decline, defeat, dis- 
aster and ultimately the extinguishment of all their claims, 
their powers and the overthrow of their dominion and 
control. 

William Pitt, with his marvelous genius for government, 
was now at the head of tin- British cabinet and grandly did 
the colonies respond to his appeals for troops and supplies 
with which to carry on the war with vigor and pn 
success. The victories at Louisburg, Fort Du Quesne and 
Fronlenac. with the reoccupation of Oswego which soon 
followed, turned the tide of battle against the hitherto vic- 
torious French, and henceforth there were to be only for- 
ward movements to a final and complete victory. 

Lord Amherst, who conducted the brilliant campaign 
against Louisburg. succeeded the blundering Abercron: 
as commander-in-chief of the P.ritish forces in America. 
Three movements were planned for the year 1751;: One to 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 37 

be led by Amherst, having the capture of Ticonderoga and 
Crown Point for its objective; another, the capture of 
Quebec, to which duty General James Wolfe was assigned; 
and, simultaneously with these, Fort Niagara was to be 
assailed, for which service General John Prideaux, with Sir 
William Johnson as his Chief Lieutenant, was placed in 
command. General Prideaux was accidentally killed by the 
explosion of a shell in his own camp July 19th during the 
siege, and Sir William Johnson succeeded to the command. 
General Prideaux was the second son of a baronet, Sir John 
Prideaux, and the grandson of a viscount. He was born in 
Devonshire in 1718, entered the British military service as 
a lieutenant July 17, 1739, and was adjutant of his regiment 
at the battle of Dettingen, July 27, 1743. He became lieu- 
tenant colonel February 24, 1748, and October 20, 1758, 
was promoted to the colonelcy of the 55th foot, to succeed 
Lord Howe, who was killed in the disastrous campaign 
under General Abercrombie against Ticonderoga. One of 
his sons inherited the baronetcy, which became extinct in 
1875. Prideaux was an officer of merit although said to 
have been unpopular in the army. 

The army destined for the siege of Fort Niagara left 
Oswego, where it had rendezvoused, soon after July 1, 1759. 
proceeding up the lake in batteaux and disembarking on the 
sixth day of the same month in a small bay at the mouth of 
the Four-Mile Creek, sometimes called Prideaux's Landing, 
on the south shore of Lake Ontario, about four miles east 
of the Fort. It was composed of the 44th and 46th regi- 
ments, the 4th Battalion of Royal Americans, two battalions 
of New York troops, and a detachment of the Royal Ar- 
tillery, numbering altogether about 2,200 men, many of 
whom had participated in the disastrous campaign and 
defeat of General Abercrombie at Ticonderoga in July, 
1758. In addition to these was the Indian contingent which 
numbered 600 when the departure was taken from Oswego, 
and subsequently augmented by about 340 more who joined 
during the siege, making a total force of over 3,100, — not a 
very formidable army, as armies go in these days of gigantic 



38 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

movements and far-reaching concentrations, but it was a 
larger force than that which struck the blow for American 
liberty on Bunker's Hill, or that which fought under Scott 
and Brown at Lundy's Lane, or that which performed many 
deeds of valor during the war for Independence. 

Preparations were at once commenced by General 
Prideaux for regular siege operations. July 8th, under a 
flag of truce, he sent into the fort Captain Blaine with a 
demand for its surrender. The demand was very cour- 
teously but firmly refused by Captain Pouchot. 

July ioth the first parallel was opened at a distance of, 
perhaps, 700 yards from the fort, beginning at about the 
middle of the front of the fortifications and extending to 
the left toward Lake Ontario. This was perfected and 
extended to the lake by the morning of July 14th. On the 
17th a battery had been thrown up on the opposite side of 
the river, called "Montreal Point," which proved a serious 
annoyance to the occupants of the fort. Other operations 
incident to a state of siege were also vigorously pressed. 
July 20th a third parallel was opened, about 160 yards from 
the fort, and on the 21st the fourth parallel, about 100 yards 
from the fort. Cannonading was constant between the con- 
tending forces, resulting in loss of life on both sides. Con- 
siderable rain fell during the siege, and at times the fog or 
mist was so dense that the movements of the British forces 
were hidden from the occupants of the fort. Captain 
Pouchot appears to have been very watchful, and at all 
times kept a close scrutiny upon the movements in front of 
him, going about frequently on tours of observation with 
a few of his men. 

July 19th General John Prideaux, the British com- 
mander, was killed while passing near a cohorn which was 
very carelessly fired at the same moment. His body was 
taken into the fort after the surrender and, on July 28th. 
with proper ceremonies, buried within its limits. Sir 
William Johnson assumed command immediately and con- 
tinued in active command of the forces until after the sur- 
render. Lord Amherst, the British commander-in-chief, 







Major Geijeral Moitck-To^ 

Go-reruor ofXeTrYox'Tc . 



(1761-1762) 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 39 

designated General Gage of Boston to succeed General 
Prideaux, but he did not reach the field of operations until 
after the fort had capitulated. 

Early in the month, being fully aware of his precarious 
position. Captain Pouchot sent runners to the commanders 
at Presque Isle and other points where French troops were 
garrisoned, asking for assistance. To checkmate any move- 
ment of this kind, the British extended their left flank so as 
to cover the only road leading from out the fortifications by 
which a relieving force could reach the fort. On the 23d 
rumors reached the commander through some of his Indian 
scouts that a force of French and Indians were coming to 
the assistance of the besieged French in Fort Niagara. 

Mr. Crisfield Johnson in his "Centennial History of Erie 
County," gives the following picturesque account of the 
approach of the French and Indians : 

"A motley yet gallant band it was which then hastened 
along our shores on the desperate service of sustaining the 
failing fortunes of France. Gay young officers from the 
Court of the Grand Monarque, sat side by side with sun- 
burned trappers, whose feet had trodden every mountain 
and prairie from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi. Vet- 
erans who had won laurels under the Marshals of France 
were comrades of those who knew no other foe than the 
Iroquois and the Delawares. One boat was filled with sol- 
diers, trained to obey with unquestioning fidelity every 
word of their leaders; another contained only wild savages, 
who scarce acknowledged any other law than their own 
fierce will. Here flashed •swords and bayonets and brave 
attire, there appeared the dark rifles and buckskin gar- 
ments of the hardy hunters, while still further on the toma- 
hawks and scalping-knives and naked bodies of Ottawa 
and Huron braves glistened in the July sun. There were 
some, too, among the younger men, who might fairly have 
taken their places in either batteau or canoe; whose feat- 
ures bore unmistakable evidence of the commingling of 
diverse races; who might perchance have justly claimed 
kindred with marquises and barons then resplendent in the 



40 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF J759- 

salons of Paris, but who had drawn their infant nourish- 
ment from the breasts of dusky mothers, as they rested 
from hoeing corn on the banks of the Ohio. 

"Historv has preserved but a slight record of this last 
struggle of the French for the dominion of these regions, 
but it has rescued from oblivion the names of D'Aubrey, 
the commander, and De Signery, his second; of Monsieur 
Marini, the leader of the Indians, and of the Captains De 
Villie, Repentini. Martini and Basone. They were by no 
means despondent. The command contained many of the 
same men, both wdiite and red. who had slaughtered the 
unlucky battalions of Braddock only two years before, and 
they might well hope that some similar turn of fortune 
would give them another victory over the foes of France. 

"The Seneca warrior principal seats were then 

on the Genesee and beyond, were roving restlessly through 
Erie and Niagara Counties and along the shores of the river, 
uncertain how to act, more friendl) bo the French than the 
English, eager for blood, and yet unwilling to engage in 

rflict with their brethren of the Five Nations, under Sir 
William Johnson. 

"Hardly pausing to communicate with these doubtful 
friends. D'Aubrey led his flotilla past the pleasant groves 
whose place is now occupied by a great commercial em- 
porium, hurried by the tall bluff now crowned by the battle- 
ments of Fort Porter, dashed down the rapids at the head 
of the Niagara, swept on in his eager course untroubled by 
the piers of any international bridge, startled the deer from 
their lairs on the banks of Grand .Island, and only halted on 
reaching Navy Island, just beyond the borders of Erie 
County. After staying there a day or two to communicate 
with the Fort, he passed over to the mainland and marched 
forward to battle." 

Preparations were made at once to receive them. That 
part of the British army encamped near the road was re- 
versed, facing to the south instead of towards the fort, and 
a breastwork thrown up, stretching from the bank of the 
river across the road. On the morning of the 24th the 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 41 

advancing force came in sight along the road leading from 
the Falls to the Fort. Some Indians attached to the British 
went to their people who were coming with the French and 
endeavored to persuade them to abandon the enterprise. 
The effort was fruitless, and they returned to their own 
camp. The Indian allies of the French set up a great shout- 
ing, and firing commenced at once. At about 9 o'clock the 
French advanced to the attack, which was calmly awaited by 
the British behind their breastwork. M. D'Aubrey was in 
command of the French and Indians, and. as near as can be 
ascertained, the force consisted of 1,000 Indians and 600 
French. The British troops actually engaged consisted of 
600 men from the 44th and 46th regiments, 100 New York 
provincials and 600 Indians from the different tribes. The 
balance of the troops were held in the trenches to prevent a 
sortie from the fort, and this service was most effectually 
performed. The battle-ground was about one and one-half 
miles below Five Mile Meadows, at a place called Bloody 
Run, or, better perhaps, as it was called during French 
occupation. La Belle-Famille. 

The British reserved their fire at first and then delivered 
three volleys, causing much loss to the enemy. Then, seeing 
the demoralization which followed, with loud shouts they 
jumped over the breastworks and assailed the foe with tre- 
mendous energy and zeal. The French and Indians com- 
menced to retreat and pursuit was continued' for five miles ; 
ultimately the entire force scattered in every direction. 
About 120 prisoners were taken, including the commanding 
officer and sixteen of his subordinates. The loss of the 
French and Indians was probably not less than 500, of whom 
150 at least were killed, while the British loss was compara- 
tively slight. 

As soon as practicable after the conclusion of the en- 
gagement and the return of his troops, General Johnson 
dispatched Major Harvey to inform Captain Pouchot of the 
result of the attempt to reinforce his belaguered troops, 
coupled with another demand for the surrender of the fort. 



42 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

Captain Pouchot asked for evidence of the facts related 
to him, whereupon Sir William allowed an inspection of the 
French officers he had captured to be had by an officer from 
Pouchot's command, and the whole of the disaster was re- 
vealed. No further delay was asked for and before mid- 
night the terms of capitulation were agreed upon.* 

The next morning, July 25. 1759, Sir William Johnson 
with his troops marched into the fort, the French flag was 
hauled down for the last time and French power and do- 
minion faded forever from so much of the earth, at least, as 
was comprised in that region. 

About 640 prisoners were taken with the fort besides 
cannon, mortars, ammunition, and ordnance stores in great 
abundance.! 

One hundred and nine men had been killed or wounded 
in the fort during the siege, and at the surrender thirty- 
seven were in hospital. The British loss, including that in 
the battle of July 24th, was sixty-three killed and one hun- 
dred and eighty-five wounded. 

When Pouchot sent for assistance to M. D' Aubrey and 
other post commanders, he instructed them to march down 
the west, or, as it is now known, the Canadian side of the 
river, but these instructions were disregarded and they 
approached the fort from the east or American side. Had 
his orders been carried out possibly the relieving force would 
not have encountered Sir William Johnson's army, and 
while the ultimate result would undoubtedly have been the 
same, the intervening histon might have been vastly differ- 
ent in detail. 

At this point I could well say "thus endeth the chapter" 
and ring down the curtain upon the great scene, but the 
study of this epoch in the history of the western continent 
has become to me so fascinating that I am loth to part with 
it. It has unfolded to my mind a far clearer idea of a con- 
tinuity in our colonial and national history than I had before 
appreciated, and a more vivid conception of the steps that 



* See Appendix A. 
t See Appendix B. 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 43 

led up from feebleness and poverty to the most splendid 
national development in all the annals of time. 

As the real history of England, that which is greatest and 
best in the wonderful life of the great empire, dates from 
the battlefield of Hastings, so it seems to me we can count 
the upbuilding of this nation from the overthrow of the 
French power in 1759. As I suggested in my former paper, 
the French and Indian War was the preparatory school, the 
West Point, from which came many of the great leaders in 
the war for Independence. We are prone to associate promi- 
nent characters with prominent events and ignore the some- 
what lesser known experiences which prepared the way for 
the so-called greater ones. 

Horatio Gates — proud, haughty and ambitious as he was 
— goes into history as the captor of Burgoyne's army at 
Saratoga Springs. Stalwart, rugged John Stark winning 
the battle of Bennington up in the Green Mountain country 
— all honor to him. We readily recall General Gage as the 
British military governor of Massachusetts Colony when 
occurred the Stamp Act riots, the Boston tea party, and 
other exciting events at the outbreak of the war for Inde- 
pendence — we need not forget these things — but as students 
of Colonial history can we not also recall that Gates and 
Stark and Gage fought side by side with Washington on the 
bloody field where Braddock met defeat and disaster, and 
that General Gage was the commander of the British forces 
whose headquarters were at Fort Niagara after its surren- 
der to the British July 25, 1759? 

Daniel Morgan, whose rifle brigade covered itself with 
glory in the Revolutionary War, also served under Brad- 
dock and Charles Lee whom Washington is said to have 
denounced so roundly at the battle of Monmouth in 1776, 
served as a subordinate in the army which besieged Fort 
Niagara. 

Another robust character comes to my mind — Israel 
Putnam, originally a Connecticut farmer. The average 
American remembers him as a famous fighter in the eastern 
sections of the country during the Revolution. But this 



44 THE NIAGARA ■ IGN OF 1759- 

same Israel Putnam was an officer in Colonel Bradstreet's 
command, which passed along the Niagara Frontier in 1764, 
at which time the original Fort Erie was built, under Brad- 
strcct's direction, by Captain John Montressor, a brother 
officer of Putnam. 

Other famous characters rise before me: William 
Prescott, the American commander at Bunker Hill ; James 
Wolfe, who led the I'.ritish forces up the heights of Quebec 
to its capture in 1759, and Richard Montgomery, who 
essayed the same tremendous task at the head of Continental 
troops in 1775; John Bradstreet, the captor of Frontenac 
in 1758 — all these had their lessons of reckless daring and 
courage in the great expeditions against Louisburg either 
in 1745 or m ! 758 and in which each served most creditably. 
And so on through many chapters. 

The capture of Fort Niagara was, we may say. a flank 
movement in the great events of 1759, and success at this 
point, with the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
and Quebec by other divisions of the army, practically de- 
cided that henceforth the vast domain of North America 
was to be under Anglo-Saxon dominion and Anglo-Saxon 
civilization. The far-reaching project of a union of the 
Colonies for protection and self-defense was a product of 
this war, and was first proposed by the great philosopher 
and statesman, Benjamin Franklin. Many years were 
needed for its development, but the seed was sown at the 
conference held at Albany in July, 1754. From and after 
the French and Indian war the American colonist was a 
more self-assertive and independent citizen of the world 
and was better prepared for the onward and upward steps 
of defending his birthrights from monarchical encroach- 
ments, and ultimately complete independence. And so, with 
the incoming years, came successive stages until was reared 
that mighty fabric, the Great Republic of the West. Within 
the past ten years, in our own lives, has come another on- 
ward step when our great country emerged from its exclu- 
siveness and became a world power, and today, in all that 
makes up a great and influential factor for good, leads in the 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 45 

mighty procession of the nations. In the future, if I read 
the signs of the times aright, there will, as in the past, be 
national growth and national decay, turnings and overturn- 
ings. God has His own purposes to fulfill as in days gone, 
but out of all these upheavals and downfalls, three great 
nations will raise to dominate the world's policy — Japan in 
the Far East, the United States in the West, and Great 
Britain in the midway, and our Republic second to none. 

Considering this wonderful past, and looking forward 
into the brilliant promises of marvelous things yet to come, 
let us never forget the sacrifices and heroic endeavors of 
our fathers who laid the foundations for it all. Every foot 
of our Niagara Frontier, from Buffalo Creek to Lake 
Ontario, is replete with historic interest. It has been trod 
by as brave men, as stalwart men, as self-sacrificing, self- 
denying men and women as any foot of ground in the land, 
and especially at the period which we have considered, for 
human life was reckoned very cheaply and existence was 
mainly one ceaseless round of exposures, hardships and 
everyday drudgery. And, of all the shifting, changing 
scenes in the great panorama of events, few were more 
dramatic in their enactment or far-reaching in results than 
the campaign of 175Q on the Niagara frontier. 



46 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 



APPENDIX A 



Articles of capitulation granted to the garrison of Ni- 
agara, inclosed in Sir William Johnson's letter to Major- 
General Amherst of the 25th of July. 1759: 

Article I. The garrison shall inarch out with their 
arms and baggage, drum beating, and match lighted at both 
ends, and a small piece of cannon, to embark upon such 
vessels as the commander of his Britannic Majesty's forces 
shall furnish, to convey them to New York, by the shortest 
road, and in the shortest manner. Granted. 

Art. II. The garrison shall lay down their arms when 
they embark, but shall keep their baggage. Granted. 

Art. III. The officers shall keep both their arms and 
baggage. Granted. 

Art. IV. The French ladies, with their children, and 
other women, as well as the chaplain, shall be sent to 
Montreal, and the commander of his Britannic Majesty's 
troops shall furnish them with vessels and subsistence neces- 
sary for their voyage to the first French post, and this is to 
be executed as soon as possible ; those women who chuse 
to follow their husbands are at liberty to do it. Granted, 
except with regard to those women who are his Britannic 
Majesty's subjects. 

Art. V. The sick and wounded, who are obliged to 
remain in the fort, shall have liberty to depart, with every 
thing that belongs to them, and shall be conducted in safety, 
as soon as they are able to support the fatigues of a voyage, 
to the place destined for the rest of the garrison ; in the 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 47 

mean time they are tc be allowed a guard for their security. 
Granted. 

Art. VI. The commanding officer, all the other officers, 
and private men, who are in the service of his Most Chris- 
tian Majesty, shall quit the fort without being subject to 
any act of reprisals whatsoever. Granted. 

Art. VII. An inventory shall be made of all the mili- 
tary stores in the magazine, which, with the artillery, shall 
be delivered up, bona fide, as well as all other effects, which 
are the property of his most Christian Majesty, and which 
are found in the magazine, at the time of the capitulation. 
The vessels and boats are included in this article. 

Art. VIII. The soldiers shall not be plundered, nor 
separated from their officers. Granted. 

Art. IX. The garrison shall be conducted under a 
proper escorte to the place defined for their reception : the 
general shall expressly recommend to this escort to hinder 
the savages from approaching and insulting any persons 
belonging to the garrison, and shall prevent their being pil- 
laged by them, when they quit their arms for embarkation ; 
and the same care is to be taken on every part of the route, 
where savages may be met with. Granted. 

Art. X. An exact list shall be made of the names and 
sirnames of the different troops, as well regulars as militia, 
and all others who are employed in his most Christian 
Majesty's service; and all those who are so employed shall 
be treated in the same manner as the rest of the garrison. 
Granted in the first article. 

Art. XI. All the savages, of whatsoever nation they 
be, who are found in the garrison, shall be protected from 
insult, and be allowed to go where they please. Granted ; 
but it will be adviseable for them to depart as privately as 
possible. 

The articles being accepted, the general of his Britannic 
Majesty's forces shall be put in possession of a gate of the 



48 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

fort, but this cannot be done until to-morrow. To-morrow 
at seven o'clock in the morning. 

Signed by 

Pouchot, captain in the regiment of Beam, commanding 

officer. 
YiTAR, captain in the regiment of Le Sarre. 
Servier, captain in the regiment of Royal Roussillon. 
Oliver de la Roche Verney, captain of the marine. 
Bonnaffous, officer in the royal artillery. 
Cousnoyer, lieutenant of the marine. 
Soluignac, officer in the regiment of Beam. 
Le Chevalier de L'Arminac, lieutenant of the marine. 
Joncaire, captain of the marine. 
Morameert, lieutenant. 
Chabert Joucain, in the regiment of Guienne. 




(1763) 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 49 



APPENDIX B 



List of ordnance and stores at Niagara, at the time of its 
surrendering to the English, viz. : 

Iron ordnance, fourteen pounders, 2, twelve pounders 
19, eleven pounders 1, eight pounders 7, six pounders 7, 
four pounders 2, two pounders 5. — Travelling carriages, 
fourteen pounders 2, twelve pounders 12, eight pounders 8, 
six pounders 5. — Garrison carriages, twelve pounders 2, 
eight pounders 4, six pounders 3, four pounders 2. — Ladles 
with staves, fourteen pounders 3, twelve pounders 12, eight 
pounders 9, six pounders 7, four pounders 2. — Spunges 
with rammer heads, twelve pounders 16, eight pounders 9, 
six pounders 10, four pounders 4. — Wadhooks with staves 
10. — Grudox defieu, twelve pounders 12, eight pounders 6, 
six pounders 7, four pounders 3. — Round shot loose, twelve 
pounders 150, eight pounders 200, six pounders 2600, four 
pounders 100. — Cohorn mortars on beds 2. — Hand granades 
500. — Entrenching tools, axles large 100, hand bills 300, 
hand hatchets 500, shovels iron 300, mattocks 250, pick- 
axes 400, spades 50, whip-saws 12. — Corned powder 15,000 
ib. — Small lead shot and balls 40,000 lb. — Match, Cwt. 2. 

(Signed) George Wray, clerk of the stores. 

Provisions of all kinds enough. 



60 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 



APPENDIX C 



Journal of the Siege of Fort Niagara, by Captain 
Pouchot, French Commandant: 

Fort Niagara is situate on the east point of the river of 
that name, which terminates in a triangle, whose base is 
the head of a horn work, 114 toises on its exterior side, all 
of earth, sodded interiorly and exteriorly ; with a ditch 
eleven toises wide by nine feet deep, one half moon and 
two small lunettes or intrenched places of arms, with a 
covert-way and glacis proportioned to the works. The 
ditches have no revetment. 

The fort (place) and half moon are palisaded on the 
berm. The other two sides are a simple intrenchment also 
in earth, sodded within and without, seven feet high inside 
and six feet thick on the summit of the parapet, with a 
fraise on the berm. These two sides of the intrenchments 
are on broken ground 40 feet in height. The river side 
would be accessible, although with difficulty. That of the 
lake is more perpendicular. 

We must enter here into some details as to the condition 
of the fort at the time it was besieged. M. Pouchot had 
just completed the raising of the ramparts. The bastion 
batteries which were in barbet, were not yet finished ; they 
were constructed of barrels filled with earth. On his ar- 
rival, he set men to work at oak blindages, 14 inches square 
and 15 feet long, with which he lined the rear of the large 
house on the lake side, the quarter most sheltered, in order 
to build an hospital there. Along the faces of the powder 
magazine he constructed, for the protection of the walls 
and to serve as casemates, a vast storehouse in pieces joined 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 51 

by a pinnacle at their summit, and in this house he placed 
the arms and armorers. 'Twill be remarked that such a 
work is excellent for field forts in wooded countries, and 
can easily serve for barracks and magazines. The shell 
falling only on an oblique plain, does it little injury, because 
such construction is very solid. 

The garrison was composed of 149 men detached from 
the regiments of La Sarre, Royal Rousillon, Guienne and 
Beam, under the orders of Captain Pouchot, of the Beam 
regiment, Commandant ; Captain de Villars of La Sarre ; 
Captain de Cervies of Royal Rousillon; Lieutenant de 
Morambert of Guienne; Lieutenant Salvignac of Beam; 
Lieutenant la Miltiere of Languedoc; of 183 Colonials, 
under the orders of Captain de la Roche, of that service, 
Lieutenants Cornoyer and Larminac; of 133 Militia and 
21 gunners, commanded by Lieutenant Bonnafoux of the 
Royal Corps. M. Pouchot increased this number to 100 
drafted from the troops and from the most adroit of the 
militiamen ; in all 486, and 39 employes, five of whom were 
women or children, who with two Douville ladies attended 
the hospital, sewed up gun cartridges and made earth bags. 

7th July. Seven barges defiled from beneath the lofty 
perpendicular shores of the lake to reconnoitre the place. 
They were allowed to come together and to approach, but 
when 'twas remarked that they would not come any closer, 
some cannon were discharged at them, which soon drove 
them off. M. Pouchot immediately sent a boat to scout, 
which reported having seen at the mouth of the Little 
Swamp, 15 @ 20 barges, each containing 20 men, who were 
at once considered the van-guard of the English army. He 
immediately sent off another scout, under the orders of the 
Lieutenant of the sloop, who reported having seen some 
barges and a camp on the shore, where there appeared to 
be a great many people and fires. Another scout, sent out 
two hours after, stated that he had discovered about 16 
barges and a single tent, but a great many people were 
walking along the bank. The barges had all entered the 
little swamp, and the army was encamped in the woods. 



52 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

M. Pouchot dispatched a courier immediately to M. 
Chabert, the Commandant of the fort at the Carrying place, 
with order to fall back by the Chenondac, in case he saw 
any traces of the enemy near his fort, lest he may be car- 
ried off. This courier also carried orders to bring down 
all the detachments, French and Indians, that may happen 
to be at Presqu'isle; also, orders to M. de Lignery at Fort 
Machault, to fall back on Niagara with all the French and 
Indians he may have, enjoining on them to form a small 
van-guard to observe if the Little fort was abandoned, and 
in that case to pass by the Chenondac to Niagara, and leave 
merely a detachment to protect their bateaux and effects. 

At noon he sent out the corvette L'Iroquoise with a 
month's provisions, to cruise off the Little Swamp. The 
wind was S. and S. W. She cannonaded the enemy's camp. 
In the course of the day, some scouts appeared near a copse, 
2 @ 3 feet high, although M. Pouchot had, when he arrived, 
caused a portion of it to be cut down. Several Indians 
also appeared, who were looking for a shot. A few cannon 
balls made them retire. 

At night, a Pouteouatamis and Sauteur came from the 
fort at the Carrying place. M. Pouchot proposed to them 
to go out on a scout during the night, and gave them a 
Huron, who was in the fort, as a companion. They went 
along the perpendicular banks of the lake as far as the large 
wood at the end of the clearing, and returned by the centre 
of the clearance without having seen anything. An hour 
before day, the Pouteoutamis, who was very brave, returned 
thither alone. He left by the precipitous banks of the lake 
towards the angle which it forms in front of the place ; met 
a canoe with three men in it, and fired on the middle one, 
who was wounded. The other two discharged their guns 
at him, without hitting him, and fled. He made the rounds 
of the clearance, uttering a great many bravadoes to the 
hostile Indians. 

8th. M. Pouchot sent him back in company with two 
Frenchmen, to M. Chabert with a letter. Being uneasy as 
to his situation, they dispatched one of their party to him, 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 53 

with word that they had seen the trails of some forty men 
in the woods. As these trails came from up the river, M. 
Pouchot feared that some of the enemy had crossed over, 
which rendered him uneasy about those who were to come 
on that side ; he therefore sent out to have those woods 
searched, but nothing was discovered within the space of a 
league. 

The corvette was signalized at noon to send in her boat. 
The Lieutenant who came reports that the enemy had 
formed a camp on a small eminence at this side of the Little 
swamp, to guard the bateaux ; that they appeared to be 
from 3 to 4 thousand men, and were very busy on the edge 
of the clearance towards the lake, and were making abatis 
at which 400 men appeared to be employed. M. Pouchot 
surmised that this might be the place where they were form- 
ing their depot for the trench. The guns of the corvette 
annoyed them so much that they were obliged to quit their 
camp and get under cover. They fired some 12's at that 
vessel. M. Pouchot ordered the corvette to take up a posi- 
tion opposite the mouth of the Little swamp, to prevent 
convoys entering or bateaux going out to carry their artil- 
lery to the depot, which was a league and a quarter from the 
swamp ; this would protract their labors. He ordered the 
Captain of that craft, if overtaken by a squall, to re-enter 
the river, and get close to the shoal which is under the fort. 
These precautions obliged the enemy to carry on all their 
operations by land, and protected the place which might be 
easily insulted from the lake and river sides. 

In the afternoon some hundreds of Indians, who came 
to fire at the fort, made their appearance in the copse of the 
clearance. They were driven off by artillery loaded with 
grape ; some of them were killed. At sunset M. Pouchot 
sent to fetch a Frenchman and two Indians from the other 
side of the river. The former was the storekeeper's brother 
that had been sent to raise the Missisakis. He returned 
accompanied by only one. The rest had gone away on 
seeing the Little fort burnt, which they imagined had been 
done by the English. The other Indian was an Iroquois 
whom M. Chabert had sent with a letter announcing that 



54 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF I7S9- 

he would come the next day. He had removed to the river 
Chenondac all the property he could, 20 horses which be- 
longed to him and some oxen he had had brought down on 
his own account from Detroit. He burned the fort of the 
Carrying place, as 'twas not tenable. His brother, Joncaire, 
had arrived on the previous evening, having been brought 
down by the Iroquois, the bearer of the letter. M. Pouchot 
made him a present. 

About ten o'clock, a white flag was displayed in the clear- 
ance. M. Pouchot sent to reconnoitre it with precaution. A 
Captain of the Royal Americans was conducted to him with 
eyes blindfolded. He was led through the thickest and 
densest brushwood, and handed to the Commandant, after 
the bandage was removed from his eyes, a letter from Brig- 
adier Prideaux. stating that as the King of England had 
invested him with the government of Niagara, M. Pouchot 
had to surrender the place to him; if not, he would oblige 
him to do so by superior force which accompanied him. M. 
Pouchot answered that he did not understand English ; that 
he had no reply to give. Yet he perfectly understood the 
letter. The officer insisted on the great force he had. M. 
Pouchot replied that the King had confided that place to 
him ; that he was in a position to defend it, and was in 
hopes that M. Prideaux would never enter it, and that 
before he became acquainted with them, he should at least 
assuredly gain their esteem. He had breakfast furnished 
to the young officer, and had him sent back with eyes blind- 
folded, to the place whence he had been brought. 

In the afternoon, La Force, the commander of the cor- 
vette, sent word to M. Pouchot that he saw no more barges 
nor depots on the strand, and but few people on the banks 
above. Thereupon M. Pouchot sent a sergeant in a bateau, 
who went up on the other side of the river, and reported 
having seen a great many people working at La Belle 
Famille, from which circumstance 'twas inferred that they 
designed opening the trench that night. In the evening, 
some men in their shirt sleeves appeared on the confines of 
the clearance to the right of the place, who seemed desirous 
to open a trench. Three or four guns were discharged at 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 55 

them and they withdrew ; which showed that it was not the 
place where they intended opening the trench. 

The great quietness of the enemy that day, caused their 
operations to be distrusted. M. Pouchot, consequently, 
placed Captain Villars of La Sarre, in the half moon with 
60 men ; Lieutenant de Morambert and 30 men in the place 
d'armes, intrenched by the covert-way on the left; Lieu- 
tenant Cornoyer and 30 men in that of the right ; Captain 
de Cervies, with 70 men occupied the salient angle of the 
covert-way of the lake bastion as far as the salient angle of 
the covert-way of the half moon ; Lieutenant de Larminac 
and 40 men on the beach under the high bank of the lake 
bastion, behind the palisade; Captain de la Roche with 30 
men at the salient angle of the bastion of the covert-way 
of the Five Nations bastion ; M. Chabert with 60 men on 
the platon beneath that salient in the rear of the palisade 
which ran into the river; 25 men were stationed at each 
bastion. These different posts furnished all the necessary 
sentinels. The 100 gunners were distributed among the bat- 
teries. There only remained M. Bonnafoux, the officer of 
Artillery, and Lieutenant de Salvignac of the Beam regi- 
ment, who acted as Major. Such was the arrangement 
every night throughout the siege. In the day time the 
soldiers were occasionally relieved, in order that they 
should get some sleep, or employed in the different jobs 
which the operations of a siege demanded. 

This night M. Pouchot sent out a scouting party of 30 
volunteers, among whom were three or four Indians. They 
passed to the right, the centre and the left; fired at some 
hostile Indians who had crept as far as a cemetery 50 toises 
distant from the glacis. A Huron who had strayed from 
the detachment of the right, was wounded by one of our 
Indians whilst endeavoring to rejoin his detachment. 

10th. At daylight it rained, accompanied by fog, which 
shut out the field of operations until the day was advanced, 
when a parallel was discovered at more than 300 toises, 
which ran from about the centre of the front of the fortifi- 
cations, slanting towards the left, and the lake. It com- 
menced in somewhat low ground which ordinarily was over- 



56 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

flown, but was dry on account of the great drought, and 
thus greatly facilitated the opening of the trench, which, 
otherwise, the English would have been obliged to com- 
mence further off. 

Both extremities of this parallel were battered with four 
pieces of cannon, though it rained heavily. The enemy ap- 
peared to work with a will. At night the guns were directed 
on the left portion, because 'twas thought that they intended 
advancing on that side. M. Chabert and his brother Jon- 
caire arrived at noon with 70 persons, several women and 
Indians, three Iroquois; among the rest the chief Kaendae. 
The Indians were pretty quiet. 

nth. This parallel was perceived in the morning some- 
what advanced towards the left; it was briskly battered. 
They set about perfecting it in the day time, and were re- 
marked throwing up batteries. They were harassed as 
much as possible by our artillery. 

Tn the afternoon, M. Pouchot, being desirous to remove 
some stockades which were between the parallel and glacis, 
to form embrasures, detached some men in order to support 
those who were to bring back those pickets. They advanced, 
of their own accord, as far as the elevation at the head of 
the enemy's trench. They were followed by some sixty men 
who escaped from the covert way, and fired into the boyau 
of the trench. The enemy, who felt confidence on account 
of our small number, were tolerably off their guard, and 
abandoned that part. One man ran to advise M. Pouchot 
that no person was there. Knowing those fellows better, he 
ordered the man to go and tell M. de La Roche, who allowed 
himself to be drawn out, to retire with his troops. In that 
interval all the soldiers and Militia leaped over the palisades 
of the covert way in spite of the officers, to follow the rest. 
The garrison was on the point of being engaged with the 
entire English army, because their Indians, numbering at 
least 900, and all their troops came, at the moment, to form 
themselves in order of battle at the head of the trench. By 
the officers' precautions we were fortunate enough not to 
go too far. The enemy were checked by a very brisk fire 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 57 

from the artillery, which prevented them charging our men. 
The English failed not, in the meantime, to lose some people, 
as they were under the necessity of remaining exposed. 
They had also to stand to their arms until night. 

This affair gave rise to a very singular adventure. 
Kaendae, the Iroquois chief, demanded permission to go 
and speak to the Indians of his Nation. M. Pouchot did 
not consider that he ought to refuse him, the rather as he 
hoped by means of this Indian to prevail on some Senecas 
at least to abandon the army. The Iroquois agreed to a 
parley at the edge of the clearance; the result was that the 
Five Nations would send two deputies to M. Pouchot to 
ascertain his opinion of them. They asked him for a pass 
endorsed by M. Joncaire whom they regarded as one of 
their chiefs. They were brought blindfolded into the Com- 
mandant's room, who recognized Tonniac's nephew who had 
left him 5 (ffi 6 days before the arrival of the English. These 
deputies said they knew not how they became mixed up with 
this war, that they were ashamed of it. M. Pouchot asked 
them what cause of war he had given them ; that they ought 
to recollect they had given him the name of Sategariouaen 
and that he had never deceived them. He expressed his 
surprise at seeing any Iroquois in the English army, par- 
ticularly several who had evinced a great deal of affection 
for him ; that they could see, by the way he fought, that 
he should not spare his enemies, and that his heart was 
bleeding at the thought of it being possible for him to strike 
any others than those whites with whom he was at war. He 
invited them not to meddle any more in the quarrel and 
assured them he should not think any more about it. He 
concluded by notifying them that all the Upper Nations 
were constantly coming to his aid. Should they find them- 
selves then in the case of shedding their blood, he promised 
them to interpose his authority to get them to make peace. 
He gave them a large belt to carry this message to their 
Nation. 

The Missisakis who were present, wished also to speak 
in their turn. They expressed their pleasure at hearing the 
Iroquois speak of accommodating matters ; that their 



58 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

Nation, which was numerous, would be flattered thereby ; 
invited them not to let go their father's hand any more ; that 
for themselves their stand was taken; they would die with 
him, leaving to their Nation the duty of avenging their 
deaths. 

The Pouteotamis said to them : "Uncles: The Master of 
Life hath assembled us altogether on this Island. Who 
hath more sense than our ancestors? Were they not the 
first to extend the hand to the French ? Why should we not 
be attached to them? We do not know the English. We 
are charmed at your intention to stand well with our father. 
This is the way for us not to let go each other's hands." 
These speeches were continued until nine o'clock at night 
when the deputies were led back blindfolded. They prom- 
ised to return with an answer on the morrow. 

This interview caused the firing to be suspended on both 
sides. The enemy took advantage thereof to open a boyau 
of about 40 toises which otherwise might perhaps not have 
been done. This was a lesson for M. Pouchot. 

12th. At day-break, a very large pile of earth was dis- 
covered within 200 toises, apparently prepared for a bat- 
tery. 'Twas battered with 11 guns, which did great execu- 
tion. No sap dared to be advanced outside it, as they were 
briskly peppered the moment they showed themselves. In 
the morning, Kaendae again requested permission to go out 
and hold a council with the chiefs of his Nation. M. 
Pouchot had no objection, warning him that he would not 
listen to a suspension of any of his operations, as the 
Whites took advantage of these intervals to work. He 
added that, should his compatriots resolve to come and speak 
to him, they were to carry a small white flag, when they 
should not be fired on, but admitted, provided they were 
few in number. 

At 3 o'clock in the afternoon, Kaendae returned with an 
Onondaga chief, called The Suspended Belt, and two 
Cayugas, who presented M. Pouchot with a large white 
Belt in answer to his, saying: We have heard thy message; 
it bore truth ; our side is taken ; we abandon the English 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 59 

army, and as a proof of it, are going to camp at La Belle 
Famille. They thanked him for having given him such 
good council and for being pleased not to entertain any 
spite against them. They promised to be quiet in future. 
Kaendae's council with the Iroquois had been held in the 
presence of Johnson, to whom that chief spoke boldly, re- 
proaching him with having plunged his Nation into bad 
business. Johnson smiled, and took this reproach as a joke. 

By another Belt, they asked that Kaendae, the Iroquois 
women and children who were in fort, should leave it with 
Joncaire, whom they regarded as one of their people, so that 
no kettle (as they called the shells) should break their 
heads, especially Kaendae's, who had charge of their trans- 
actions with the Indians of the other Nations, all of whose 
language he spoke. 

M. Pouchot answered them, that the women and Kaendae 
being present, were at liberty to answer and do as they 
liked. Kaendae had assured M. de Chabert that he did not 
wish to leave us. He made no answer. M. Pouchot per- 
formed the ceremony, in presence of the deputies, of cover- 
ing his body in advance, in case any mishap should overtake 
him. That ceremony consisted of placing before a person 
a Belt and outfit, such as is laid in his grave. His death 
cannot be avenged, as the man is satisfied. The women and 
children afterwards presented some Strings to M. Pouchot, 
to assure him they wished to remain with us, who were 
their fathers, and who had always pity on them. 

These deputies also presented some Strings on the part 
of the Loups, or Moraiguns, who were in the Iroquois 
council, to induce the Ottawas and other Indians to with- 
draw to the head of the lake, and to leave the Whites to 
fight, as they themselves were going away. These two 
messages seemed to M. Pouchot to be inspired by the Eng- 
lish, to disgust those Nations who were attached to us. M. 
Pouchot answered that he did not know those Nations who 
sent these Strings, and returned them. He said that, as 
regarded the Ottaouais and other Nations who were at- 
tached to us, they needed no council how to conduct them- 
selves towards their father; that they were at home at 



60 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

Niagara, and he considered it very singular that people 
with whom they were not connected, should desire to induce 
them to quit their home. These Outaouais answered the 
deputies that they had come to die with their father, and 
told the Iroquois that they were delighted to learn they 
were leaving the English. M. Pouchot did not wish to 
return the message of the Loups, which he thought did not 
come from them. 

The same deputies proposed to return at night. M. 
Pouchot refused; assuring them that all he wanted wa>. 
that they should remain quiet. He notified them that at 
night he did not know any one, he fired everywhere, but if 
they came in the day time, few in number, without any con- 
dition, that he would receive them. He sent them back each 
with a loaf, because he knew that the English army was 
eating only flour baked into cakes in the ashes. 

To explain these negotiations, it must be observed that 
the English were employing the Indians at night to cover 
their workmen. Our fire from the covert way greatly an- 
noyed them; they had lost ten of their men. M. Pouchot, 
who understood the nature of those people, was not sorry 
to get rid of 900 men, whose insults he feared more than 
those of the English, on account of their numbers and the 
knowledge they possessed of the place. By retaining some 
of the chiefs, the women and several warriors of the strange 
Nations, should any mishap occur to them, these same In- 
dians would answer for it to their Nations or to those that 
they might have offended. They were delighted then to 
find this excuse for remaining neutral whilst awaiting 
events. The English, on their side, dared not deny the In- 
dians those conferences. They were trying only to turn 
them to the best advantage. 

The Indians being gone, M. Pouchot immediately sent 
eight volunteers, under M. Conoyer's orders, who went quite 
close to the battery and heard some pickets planted. Other- 
wise the trench was pretty quiet. On their return, the ar- 
tillery opened pretty briskly on the battery, and the mus- 
ketry, on the right and left where they were to defile. M. 
Pouchot ordered the corvette to go and reconnoitre Choue- 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 61 

gen and to try and learn news of M. de la Corne and of 
Mont-Real. This corvette cannonaded the enemy's trench 
pretty successfully throughout the day and sailed at night. 

13th. At day light Messrs. Pouchot and Bonnafoux ex- 
mained the enemy's works, who had only completed a shell 
battery of six mortars. It fired all day with little result. 
We did not fire much this day from our batteries, the ene- 
my's works being too far advanced to be able to ruin them. 
At night we perceived a white flag and some Indians on the 
other side of the river. Kaendae demanded permission to 
go in search of them, which was not refused. They were 
some Indians coming to a council ; they asked to pass the 
night in the fort. This M. Pouchot would not consent to. 
The fire of our batteries and that of our musketry were 
pretty brisk, but not so much so as during the previous 
nights, because there was no further necessity of imposing 
on the Indians who were covering the workmen. These 
Indians had told Kaendae that they had all gone to La Belle 
Famille and would remain neuter. They told him also that 
it was reported in the camp of the English that the latter 
had defeated M. de la Corne at Chouegen. 

14th. In the morning we discovered a work, of 40 @ 50 
toises in prolongation of the trench, slanting towards the 
lake : its extremity was within 100 toises of the covert way. 
They immediately set about a mortar battery from which 
they fired in the afternoon. Kaendae and Chatacouen 
asked leave to go and speak to their people. M. Pouchot 
hesitated about permitting them, but the hope of obtaining 
seme news induced him to grant them leave. They visited 
the Iroquois and English camps ; reported having seen 
about 1,800 men; one of their camps was at the Little 
swamp and another nearer the trench ; they had perceived 
10 mortars, two batteries and 15 guns, three of which were 
of large calibre. Johnson had persuaded the Indians to re- 
main, by offering them the pillage of the place which they 
were to assault in two or three days ; finally, they had but 
few provisions and were expecting a convoy. No more In- 



62 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1750- 

dians were seen in the trench from this day. The Iroquois 
asked to go to the other side of the river, through fear of 
the shells, a hundred of which had been thrown during the 
day. Nl. Pouchot had them put across the river with their 
women, very glad to be rid of them. They had been to the 
Chenondac to take the M. de Chabert's cows and oxen, say- 
ing, 'Twas better they should have them than others. They 
carried this meat to the English camp. The enemy have 
been employed perfecting their works. We have kept up a 
very brisk fire on the place at which we supposed they 
wanted to commence the continuation of their trench to- 
wards the lake. 

15th. At day-break they appeared working at the bat- 
tery. They have thrown, throughout the whole day, a great 
many shells with 10 mortars. We had several wounded by- 
splinters. In the evening a deserter came in ; he was a sort 
of Frenchman who was with some Iroquois of Kunoagon. 
He reported that the English army was composed of Hal- 
ket's, the Royal American, Loudon's, the York and Jersey 
regiments, and 900 Iroquois or Loups ; that they had 
formed three camps, one at the Little swamp, another near 
the lake, one in the middle of the woods, and the Indians at 
La Belle Famille he said the English were to put their guns, 
consisting of 15 pieces, in battery next day ; and added, that 
they were short of provisions ; that the Indians were com- 
plaining of being obliged to fast ; that they were expecting 
a convoy from Couegen where they had a considerable camp, 
from which M. de la Corne was repulsed when he attempted 
an attack on it. 

1 6th. Rain all day. Two barges appeared at a great dis- 
tance in the lake; the 12-pounder could scarcely reach them. 
They wished to reconnoitre the place. The enemy opened 
a fire of musketry from their trenches. They had crowned 
the top of their trenches with saucissons in order to cover 
their sharpshooters. 

17th. The fog, which is pretty rare in this country, es- 
pecially in summer, and rises only very late, prevented us 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 63 

observing that the enemy had made new works. They un- 
masked their artillery by a cannon shot from Montreal 
point at the opposite side of the river, which entered the 
Commandant's chimney and rolled beside his bed on which 
he had just lain down. They had erected, at that place, a 
battery of two large guns and two howitzers. They un- 
masked, at the same time, two other batteries, one of five 
guns, the other of two large pieces and two howitzers. They 
were all served that day with great industry, and were an- 
swered in like manner. The battery on the opposite side of 
the river obliged the construction of epaulements and 
blindages, because that part of the place being covered only 
by an intrenchment, the shots took, in reverse, the bastions 
and other defences of the fort. During the night a very 
brisk fire of musketry was kept up on our side, and the 
enemy replied as briskly up to midnight, when they ceased. 
They threw shell and grenades, at intervals, throughout the 
entire night. M. de Morambert was slightly wounded. 

1 8th. In the morning there was no appearance of the 
enemy having advanced any works. They appeared busy 
repairing the damages caused by our batteries. A great 
smoke was noticed in the evening in their trench. One of 
our balls had set fire to one of their powder depots. General 
Prideaux was killed on this day, in the trench. The fire was 
pretty brisk on both sides, and redoubled at night, with 
shot, shell and grenades, which gave us great annoyance. 
Several soldiers were wounded, and some killed. At night, 
believing that the enemy was to begin on his left to form a 
zigzag ahead, or to open a parallel, we kept up a very active 
fire. 

19th. The enemy were observed to have made about 30 
toises of work in advance, parallel to the bank of the lake, 
by a double sap, whence they opened a zigzag boyau almost 
equal to the front between these two batteries. They merely 
perfected it through the day, and kept up a hot fire from 
cannon, mortars and howitzers. We answered them very 
briskly from our artillery. 



64 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

In the afternoon the corvette made her appearance. She 
was laveering at a great distance. At sundown M. Pouchot 
sent off seven men in a bark canoe, which run great risks 
of being sunk by the vollies of cannon from the enemy, one 
of whose balls carried away a paddle. As the enemy was 
expected to advance further, a very active fire was kept up 
from the covert way and corresponding works. 

20th. At daylight we noticed that the enemy had formed 
the other branch of the zigzag; that they passed from our 
right to the left, to the edge of the high precipice of the 
lake, quite near a ravine which lies 30 toises in advance of 
the left branch of the covert way. They kept up a very hot 
fire especially of their musketry, until midnight. Ours 
somewhat slackened toward daybreak, in consequence of the 
exhaustion of the troops and the bad condition of our arm>. 
They perfected that trench the whole of this day and posted 
some sharp shooters in it, who greatly annoyed those who 
were tending the battery of the lake bastion, where several 
were killed and wounded. The canoe sent to the corvette 
came ashore this night. The vessel had brought despatches 
from Montreal and Quebec, where they were uneasy about 
us, but they knew not of our being besieged. They gave 
intelligence of the operations of the English at Quebec. 
About ten o'clock in the forenoon, M. Pouchot sent back the 
canoe with his despatches for Messrs. de Vaudreuil and de 
Montcalm. 

2 1 st. At daybreak we observed that the enemy had con- 
structed the return of his zigzag from left to right, running 
towards the salient of the half moon, which they could not 
reach on account of the sharp fire we made throughout the 
entire night, to which they replied very briskly until about 
one o'clock in the morning. This work is about 70 toises 
long. It appeared this day that they wanted to erect a bat- 
tery at the extremity of this boyau, towards the salient of 
the half moon. The enemy's fire was not as lively during 
this day as during the previous evening, because they were 
busy finishing their trenches and constructing their batteries. 
Their musketry nevertheless greatly annoyed our batteries. 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 65 

About 7 o'clock in the evening, the enemy redoubled their 
fire from their last parallel. It has been very hot until past 
midnight. Several men were killed and wounded in the 
place. We answered very briskly by our fire from the 
works and covert-way, where three guns have been placed 
which fired each 50 rounds loaded with grape. A squall, 
which lasted but too short a time for us and would have 
flooded their trenches, interrupted this firing. 

22nd. At day-break we supposed' the enemy had extended 
a parallel along a ditch which was at the extremity of the 
glacis ; but they only perfected those works and their two 
batteries. That on the left, of 8 guns, was more advanced 
than that on the right. Their fire from the trench of their 
right, on the lake bastion, was very heavy, and from the 
left, on our works, which they seriously annoyed. They 
fired few shell. 

Towards 9 o'clock in the morning they commenced to 
send us red hot shot from the battery placed on the opposite 
side of the river. The battery where their large guns were 
planted did the same. Owing to M. Pouchot's precautions 
in keeping barrels full of water in front of the buildings, 
and squads of carpenters ready with axes to repair to places 
exposed to the flames, the fire made no ravages although it 
had commenced at divers places, even in the storehouses ; 
this was by no means astonishing, all those buildings being 
of wood. The enemy could never understand it. They 
directed their fire, which was very hot, against the battery 
of the lake bastion in order to prevent its playing. M. 
Bonnafoux, the officer of artillery, was slightly wounded and 
ten men were killed or wounded. The cannon and howitzers 
dismounted three of the five guns which were on the same 
bastion ; ruined the point of that bastion so that we could not 
descend on the berm. The shell ploughing into the ground 
and then exploding, tore away the newly laid sodding, and 
at each explosion made openings of 6 @ 8 feet. At night 
the enemy opened from their parallel a very hot fire on our 
works and discharged shot and grape at the breach and the 
attacked bastion. 'Twill be observed that our batteries on 



66 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 

the bastions, which were at first formed of barrels filled with 
earth, having been ruined, they had to be constructed of bags 
full of earth, which, being laid across each other, formed 
pretty efficient merlons, easily changed according to the 
direction of the fire. Unfortunately, these earth bags gave 
out, being soon torn, worn or burnt in the service. Wadding 
for the cannon also failed, as well as hay, the supply made 
by M. Pouchot being exhausted. The beds were stripped 
of their paillasses, the straw of which, at first, afterwards, 
the linen, was used. 

In the night of the 22nd and 23rd, the enemy pushed 
their trench forward as far as the hauteur of the salient of 
the covert way of the half moon, and kept up all night a hot 
fire of grape and shot against the breach, as well as of mus- 
ketry, and threw a great many shell. He was answered 
from the place, but our arms were in so bad a condition, 
that scarcely one out of ten was serviceable, and in the fol- 
lowing morning not a hundred were of any use, notwith- 
standing all the repairs daily made on them. Seven 
smiths or armorers were continually employed to repair 
them. Servants and the wounded were kept washing them ; 
the women attended the sick and wounded, or were busy 
sewing cartridges or bags for earth. This day M. Pouchot 
was under the necessity of leaving only a small post of 
soldiers in the branch of the covert way of the attacked 
bastion, as the Canadians did not wish to remain there any 
longer, on account of the briskness of the enemy's fire. 
Efforts were made to repair the breach and the palisades of 
the berm below, but with little success, notwithstanding the 
willingness of the soldiers to work there. At 10 o'clock in 
the morning, a white flag appeared on the road from La 
Belle Famille to the Carrying place. M. Pouchot responded 
by a like flag. 'Twas four Indians sent by Messrs. Aubrey 
and de Lignery. They were brought in ; they handed two 
letters, one dated the 17th and the other 22nd July, in the 
former of which, from Presqu'isle, was acknowledged the 
receipt of those from M. Pouchot of the 7th and 10th stating 
that they had immediately set out from Fort Machault ; that 
they felt able to engage the enemy with success and to 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 67 

oblige them to raise the siege. In these same letters, they 
asked M. Pouchot's advice as to the best course to adopt to 
relieve him. These Indians told M. Pouchot that they had 
passed through the camp of the enemy's Indians, with whom 
they had held a council in Johnson's presence ; that they 
had presented the Iroquois with five Belts on the part of the 
Nations who were accompanying M. de Lignery, requesting 
them to retire ; otherwise, they should strike them the same 
as the English. The latter assured them that they would not 
meddle with the quarrel. By the same channel we learned 
that there were about 600 French and 1,000 Indians, who, 
wlien passing the little rapid at the outlet of Lake Erie, 
resembled a floating island, so black was the river with 
bateaux and canoes. 

M. Pouchot immediately answered these letters, after 
having deliberated with all the officers of the garrison, in 
order to profit by their opinions. We shall repeat here that 
M. Pouchot had in his letter of the 10th, notified M. de 
Lignery that the enemy may be 4 @ 5 thousand, exclusive 
of Indians ; that if he did not feel able to attack them, he 
ought to pass by the Chenondac in order to arrive at 
Niagara by the other side of the river, because he would be 
able to drive off the English who were on that side to the 
number of only 2,000, and could only with great difficulty 
be reinforced. He would come from there safely to him, 
because after defeating that force, bateaux would be sent 
to bring them to the fort. 

M. Pouchot doubted not that the English would read his 
answer on the return of the Indians ; but he was satisfied 
if it could only reach its destination. He requested M. de 
Lignery to call to mind what he had already written him ; 
told him that the enemy were in there divisions ; one at the 
Little swamp guarding their bateaux, another about the 
centre of the wood near their trench depot, and the third 
convenient to La Belle Famille; that there may be at pres- 
ent about 3,900 Indians ; that if they felt themselves strong 
enough to attack any of these divisions, this was at present 
the best course to pursue, because the enemy, being very 
near the place, dare not strip its trench. He added, that if 



68 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

they succeeded in defeating one of those posts, 'twas pre- 
sumable the siege would be raised ; that they ought to have 
scouts ahead, whose reports would enable them to decide on 
the best course to adopt. 

M. Pouchot made four copies of this letter and handed 
one of them to each of the Indians ; one of whom was an 
Onondaga, the second a Delaware, and the third a Chaoua- 
non, so as to avoid jealousy, and in case the English should 
retain any to save one, which turned out to be the case. 

After having refreshed themselves, those Indians de- 
parted with the same ceremony. About two o'clock in the 
afternoon the Onondaga came back stating that he had lost 
his wampum, which is tantamount to a European losing his 
jewels; that he had returned in quest of it, and had en- 
trusted his letter to another Indian. M. Pouchot, thereupon, 
considered this Indian rather as a spy than a friend, and 
accordingly distrusted him. The result showed that he was 
mistaken. 

The enemy kept up, the whole day, a tremendous fire, 
during which their artillery was served in the best style, 
utterly demolishing the battery on the flag bastion ; only 
two feet of the upper part of the entire length of its parapet 
remaining. 'Twill be remarked that the evening previous, 
we had been obliged to construct our embrasures with 
bundles of peltry for want of other material, and to use 
blankets and shirts from the stores for wadding for the 
cannon. Efforts were made to place two guns in battery 
on the left side of the curtain, in order to diminish the 
enemy's fire. 

The Canadians could no longer be persuaded to continue 
firing into the enemy's embrasures, which would have 
greatly deranged them. The fire was too hot. Those who 
were stationed in any quarter, sat down for protection, and 
went immediately to sleep, notwithstanding all that the offi- 
cers and sergeants could do to prevail on them to stand to 
their posts and work. The rest of the garrison, in spite of 
all possible willingness, was not less harassed. Nobody had 
been in bed since the 6th, being obliged to be either in the 
works or employed at divers indispensable operations. So 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF i?59- 69 

few people were remaining, that there was neither time 
or convenience for sleeping. 

At night the enemy's fire slackened considerably, espe- 
cially that of the artillery ; they fired only two pieces loaded 
with ball and grape at the breach, to prevent its being re- 
paired. This diminution was owing, M. Pouchot sus- 
pected, either to their desire to raise the siege in order to 
go and meet a reinforcement, or to arrangements for some 
serious attack. The greatest possible precaution was taken. 
We had a great many wounded this night and some killed in 
our works, which 'twas desirable to repair. 

24th. We heard some firing in the direction of La Belle 
Famille. 'Twas some of M. de Lignery's Indian scouts, 
who fell in with an English guard that was placed over 22 
bateaux which they carried overland to cross the river in, 
and to communicate with the detachment at the Montreal 
point. A dozen of them were killed and their heads cut 
off and stuck on the top of some pickets. This event drew 
down others. It induced the Indians to ask Messrs. Aubry 
and de Lignery to wait until the Iroquois had been requested 
to oblige us to make peace with the English. M. de Lignery 
dissuaded them from it and wished them to follow him, 
being on the point of attacking. They refused to do so; 
some thirty only of the most determined accompanied M. 
Marin. 

M. Pouchot hearing an extraordinary fire of musketry, 
repaired immediately with M. Bonnafoux to the Five Na- 
tions' bastion. He perceived some English who were flying 
pretty precipitately to their main guards, some troops who 
were defiling from the centre camp to the border of the 
clearance, to join them at the entrance of the ground at La 
Belle Famille, where we saw somewhat in reverse an in- 
trenchment of trees. Two guns were directed against it 
which were discharged two or three times. At this time 
M. Pouchot noticed some Indians here and there with a 
white flag. He supposed at first that it might be a piece of 
bravado on the part of some Iroquois, or a ruse to draw out 
a sortie. He ordered two guns to be fired between the 



70 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

English and them, to disperse them, or if they were friends, 
to signify to them that some enemies were yonder, and to 
prevent them advancing, because seeing them so few, he 
feared they would fall into an ambuscade. He warned M. 
Bonnafoux of it. It produced no other effect than the dis- 
play of a large white flag. A troop was seen at the same 
time defiling into a path 7 @ 8 feet wide, with great confi- 
dence in very close column in front. It appeared that on 
perceiving the enemy, very close to which it found itself, 
that the troop endeavored to place itself in close order of 
battle without rank or files. On its right appeared some 
thirty Indians, fronting the enemy's left flank. This bat- 
talion commenced firing one or two volleys when approach- 
ing the latter, who appeared making a forward movement 
beyond their abatis; but having been received with a third 
volley, retreated pretty precipitately. The battalion then 
moved forward to enter the abatis, but were checked by a 
volley from the enemy when it knelt to fire into the Entrench- 
ment. In this interval, a considerable quantity of rain fell, 
which wet their arms. Whilst one half this battalion was 
firing, the other half appeared retreating somewhat precipi- 
tately ; the enemy having fired two volleys at those who 
stood. Very few remained. Some fifty appeared to be 
firing whilst retreating often kneeling on the ground. 
Thereupon the English issued from their intrenchment, 
almost in files, charging with fixed bayonets ; but from the 
little musketry we heard, we judged that the entire bat- 
talion had retired. 'Twas in our eyes so trifling, that we 
concluded in the rain, it might be M. Marin or some other 
officer, who had come to reconnoitre the enemy and had 
pushed them to that place. 

Whilst this affair was passing, a sergeant who was in 
the covert-way, judging from the silence in the trench, that 
it was abandoned, asked of M. Pouchot permission to make 
a sortie. Although of opinion that the trench was, on the 
contrary, well reinforced, he (in order to foster emulation 
among the soldiers and to gratify them), called out 150 
volunteers, which was all they mustered, except the officers 
and sergeants, and ordered M. de Villars to place himself 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 71 

at their head, recommending him to leave the covert-way 
only with the greatest precaution, and when he should give 
the signal, but to make a great deal of noise. He enjoined 
on him to place people on the palisades, as this would not 
fail to draw the enemy out and enable us to judge of their 
situation. In fact, the moment the English saw people 
astride of the palisades, the entire trench seemed immedi- 
ately to swarm with men stript to the waist and with com- 
panies of grenadiers at the head of the trenches. Some 
cannon balls were sent at them, which made them get under 
cover, and our sortie did not take place. 

On the arrival of the reinforcement, the Onondaga who 
had returned, having recognized M. de Lignery's troops, 
requested M. Pouchot's permission to go out and fight with 
them, which was granted. He passed freely through the 
enemy's army, which doubtless paid no attention to him, 
and joined our troops about noon. He returned towards 
two o'clock, and recounted the whole of our disaster, which 
he could scarcely credit, imagining that the English had put 
the thing in his head. He told us that all had taken to flight ; 
that Messrs. Aubry, de Lignery, de Montigny, and de 
Repentigny were prisoners, and wounded, and that all the 
other officers and soldiers had been killed. We hoped this 
man was not telling the truth. 

When M. Pouchot perceived this retreat, he ordered all 
the batteries that were still effective, to redouble their fire, 
so as to keep the enemy in check ; they returned it to us 
with great spirit, which again caused the loss of many of 
our men. At four o'clock in the afternoon, the enemy beat 
the rappel in his trench, from which an officer came out to 
parley, who was brought into the fort. He brought a letter 
from Johnson, who was in command of the army since 
Prideaux's death. 

Johnson said, in his letter, that confidence may be placed 
in whatever Major Hervey, Lord Bristol's son, might state 
in his name. The latter gave the names of all the Canadian 
officers who were taken prisoners. Although M. Pouchot 
was advised, beforehand, by the Indian, in order to protect 
himself against any reproach, he pretended ignorance and 



72 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

incredulity, until those officers should be shown to some one 
of the garrison. Captain de Cervies, of the Royal Rousil- 
lon, went to the camp; he saw M. de Lignery wounded, 
and the others in an arbor, near Colonel Johnson's tent. He 
could scarcely speak to them, and came to report to M 
Pouchot. 

This news, which had at first been retailed by the Indian, 
and now confirmed by this officer, had so depressed the 
courage of the garrison, that M. Pouchot and the other offi- 
cers had all the trouble in the world to restrain the soldiers 
and Militia in their posts which they were abandoning on 
every side, as if all was over. If the enemy could see thi^ 
disorder, he might assuredly have taken advantage of it. 
The German recruits, of whom we had a great many in the 
Colonial troops, and who had arrived this year in Canada, 
were the most mutinous. 

M. Pouchot assembled all the officers of the garrison to 
deliberate on the situation of the fort, and to adopt the most 
proper course. He left M. Bonnafoux to describe its con- 
dition as the most capable judge thereof. He began at the 
covert-way, and 'twas agreed that the enemy, considering 
their proximity, could not fail to be masters of it within two 
days, either by sap or assault. We had only no men to 
guard the ccvert-way from the bank in front of the lake 
bastion to the salient angle of the half moon, and 25 men 
in the olace d'armes of the right, who were guarding as far 
as the salient of the covert-way of the Five Nations bastion. 
There was an interval of more than 8 (5x> 10 feet between the 
men who lined the front attacked. The arms were in so 
bad a state, that there were not more than 140 muskets fit 
for service ; most of them were without bayonets. The 
Colonials and Canadians, having none, wood-cutters' knives 
had been fixed to the end of a stick to serve instead, and 
these they carried with them to their posts. Of 54 thousand 
weight of powder, which had been in store, 24 had been 
consumed. Only very few 4 and 6-pound balls remained ; 
those of 12 were all gone. There was no hope, therefore, 
of a vigorous defence. The ditches were without any scarp ; 
the earth having crumbled down, the slopes got to be so 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 73 

gentle that a person could run up and down them. To avoid 
this inconvenience, a palisade had, indeed, been set up at 
the bottom of the ditch, but the enemy being at liberty to 
descend there everywhere, could kill the entire garrison 
between the palisade and the covert-way, because by getting 
mixed up with it, the flanking guns could not protect the 
men. Besides, there remained, at this time, no more than 60 
men in the place, exclusive of gunners. The palisades oppo- 
site the breach were all broken, and it was very easy to go 
down into the breach which occupied two-thirds of the face 
of the bastion in the ditch. We had hors de service or lost, 
10 men of La Sarre, 9 of Beam, 8 of Royal Rousillon, 13 of 
Guienne, 43 of the Colonials, 26 Militia, in all 109 men, 
killed or wounded, and 37 sick. Independent of these losses, 
our small force and the superiority of the enemy, the place 
could be very easily insulted from the river and the high 
banks of the lake. 

All these considerations induced the officers of the garri- 
son to request M. Pouchot to consent to a capitulation. Up 
to that time he had not said anything. He requested those 
gentlemen to examine well whether any resource remained. 
They represented to him the exhaustion of the garrison, 
which had not lain down for 19 days, and had been continu- 
ally under arms or at the works ; that the delay of one day, 
and of even eight days, were that possible, could not save 
the place and would result only in the useless loss of still 
more brave fellows, the rather as no help was to be ex- 
pected from any quarter. 

M. Pouchot, sensible of the truth of these reflections, 
called in the English officer and demanded a capitulation, on 
condition that the garrison should march out with the honors 
of war, and be conveyed to Montreal with its property and 
that of the King, at his Britannic Majesty's expense, in 
the shortest possible space of time. Negotiations continued 
the entire night, as M. Pouchot was not willing to recede 
from his propositions. Colonel Johnson sent him word 
frankly, that he was not master of those conditions, other- 
wise he would grant them. At daybreak, M. Pouchot 
wished to send back the officer, on the ground that being 



74 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

about to be a prisoner, he would risk the event. Thereupon 
the entire garrison demanded to capitulate. The Germans, 
who constituted the majority, mutinied, which the English 
officer unfortunately observed, and therefore became more 
firm. M. Pouchot was then obliged to be satisfied with the 
following articles: (See Appendix A.) 

26th. In the afternoon the garrison marched out of the 
fort to descend to the beach, with musket on the shoulder, 
drums beating and two pieces of large cannon at the head 
of the column. As soon as the troops had reached the 
bateaux in which they were to embark, they laid down their 
muskets and immediately pushed off, although the lake was 
very rough. 

We could not see the officers who were prisoners. John- 
son had given his word that he would ransom from the 
Indians those they had taken; for, seeing our men taking 
to flight, they pursued and captured a great many. On tins 
occasion a tragical event occurred. Cadet Moncourt, of the 
Colonials, had formed an attachment with an Indian, to 
whom he became bound in friendship. This Indian, who 
belonged to the English army, seeing his friend a prisoner, 
expressed a great deal of sorrow at his situation, and said to 
him: "Brother, I am in despair at seeing you dead; but 
take heart; I'll prevent their torturing you"; and killed him 
with a blow of a tomahawk, thinking thereby to save him 
from the tortures to which prisoners among themselves are 
subjected. 

The rest of the troops who escaped from the field, retired 
to an island above the fort of the Carrying place, where 
Rocheblave had been left with about 150 men to guard the 
canoes and bateaux, whence they proceeded to Detroit, to- 
gether with the garrisons of Presqu-isle and Fort Machault, 
under the order of M. Belestre, who could not take part in 
the action, as he was sick. Of 400 men, more than 250 
were killed, almost all Colonials, who were very brave, and 
had done good service in these parts. A great many French 
from the Illinois were either killed or taken. All the pris- 
oners were conveyed to New York, the same as the garrison 
of Niagara. 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 75 



APPENDIX D 



FORT NIAGARA 

(From the report of the Committee on Sites. Niagara Frontier Landmarks 
Association.) 

We have now arrived at Fort Niagara, the most historic 
spot on the river ; with more history of importance than all 
the rest of the frontier put together. It cannot be ade- 
quately indicated, even, in this report. The following brief 
syllabus must suffice: 

Here is the presumptive site of La Salle's house, built 
1669, burnt by the Senecas 1675 ; here, in 1679, La Salle 
marked out and built Fort Conti ; here was Fort de Denon- 
ville, built 1687, abandoned 1688 ; here still stands the 
"castle," the foundations of which were laid in 1725, the 
oldest masonry on the frontier. From this building, en- 
larged and modified from time to time, first the French and 
then the English, up to 1796, held sway from Albany west- 
ward, over a vast wilderness empire. Here still stand the 
French barracks, built about 1750; the magazine, built 
1754, coming into wide fame in 1826, from the incarcera- 
tion therein of William Morgan of anti-Masonic fame ; the 
bakehouse, built 1762; and two blockhouses, antedating 
the Revolution, built respectively in 1771 and 1773, the best 
specimens of their style of architecture in America. Here, 
too, is the site, believed to have been lately determined, of 
the grave of Gen. Prideaux, killed in the siege of 1759 ; and 
of the old chapel. It is desirable that Government permis- 
sion be secured in order that excavations may be made. 



76 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF J759- 

Federal cooperation should also be enlisted in the erection 
of tablets or monuments on the fort reservation. 

East of the fort may still be seen the British parallels 
built for the siege of 1759. And four miles to the eastward, 
on the shore of Lake Ontario, our site-hunting tour ends at 
Prideaux's Landing, where, in 1759, landed the army that 
was to capture Fort Niagara, and thus aid materially in 
ending the rule of France in the New World. 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF J759- 77 



APPENDIX E 



Letters received by the author, and newspaper notices of 
the Niagara Campaign of 1759: 

From J. N. Lamed, Esq., author and lecturer: 

"I thank you for your gift to me of a copy of your two papers on 
'The Niagara Campaign of 1759.' I have been reading them this 
afternoon with much satisfaction. You have told the interesting 
story most admirably, and it is well deserving of the print for preser- 
vation that you have given it." 

From Colonel E. Cruikshank, Niagara Falls, Ontario, 
Canadian Military historian : 

"I beg to acknowledge your kindness in sending me a copy of 
your valuable monograph on the Niagara Campaign of 1759, which 
I have read with much interest." 

From Mrs. John Miller Horton, Regent, Buffalo Chapter 
D. A. R. : 

"I am in receipt of your address on 'The Niagara Campaign of 
1759,' and desire to thank you for the pleasure I have had in reading 
this most interesting description of events connected with the early 
history of our frontier." 

From George Alfred Stringer, Esq., President Buffalo 
Association, Society of Colonial Wars : 

"Many thanks for your valuable pamphlet received yesterday con- 
taining the two papers read by you before the Society of Colonial 
Wars. They are a very valuable contribution to the literature of the 
Niagara Frontier, and I am glad that they are now in permanent 
form. 

I hope that some day a few, at least, of the many valuable papers 
read before our Society may be printed, and thus preserved for fu- 
ture reference. You have begun the initial movement in this direc- 
tion which redounds to your credit." 



78 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

From Major F. B. Andrus, 12th Infantry U. S. A., Fort 
Niagara, N. Y. : 

"Please accept very many thanks for the copy of 'The Niagara 
Campaign of 1759,' so kindly sent to the commanding officer of this 
post. It will afford much pleasure, as well as instruction, to care- 
fully read this pamphlet, and I trust that many members of the com- 
mand may read and profit by it." 

From Victor Speer, Esq., Secretary to the Mayor of 
Buffalo : 

"I have waited to thank you for the copy of 'The Niagara Cam- 
paign of 1759' until after reading it. I spent a good part of yester- 
day with it and enjoyed it thoroughly. It is a very interesting piece 
of work." 

From Hon. Charles Z. Lincoln, Albany, N. Y., author of 
history of New York State Constitution : 

"We all greatly enjoyed it, and not only that, but were also much 
impressed by the evident care taken in its preparation, and by the 
interesting manner in which you have presented the scattered frag- 
ments of a portion of colonial history which, to most readers, would 
be thought very obscure. I congratulate you on the result you have 
achieved, and am very glad to know that you have deposited a copy 
of the address in the State Library, where it will be readily accessible 
to the student. A few months ago I went over that part of our 
colonial history in collating the Governors' Messages, and I shall 
take great pleasure in referring to your address in one of the notes 
on that period." 

From Sheldon T. Viele, Esq., Society of the War of 
1812, etc.: 

"Please accept a somewhat tardy but very hearty 'thank you' for 
your kindness in sending me a copy of 'The Niagara Campaign of 
1759.' I enjoyed the papers thoroughly when I heard them read, and 
I was anxious to have them in a permanent form. We do not realize 
how historic our region of the country is until the facts are presented 
to us in this and similar forms." 

From Henry R. Howland, Esq., Buffalo Society of 
Natural Sciences, etc. : 

"I am greatly indebted to you for the copy of your papers upon 
the Niagara Campaign of 1759. It it most interesting, prepared with 
great care and showing thorough study, and is printed and illus- 
trated admirably. I congratulate you and am always, etc." 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 79 

From Professor Charles H. Hull, School of American 
History, Cornell University : 

"I beg to thank you for your handsome pamphlet on 'The Niag- 
ara Campaign of 1759,' whose interesting appearance increases the 
pleasure with which I look forward to the reading of it." 

From Mrs. Robert Fulton, Buffalo Chapter D. A. R. : 

"Thank you very much for sending me your very interesting 
brochure 'The Niagara Campaign of 1759,' which I shall enjoy all 
the more for the fact that it is my 'native heath' which you so 
graphically portray." 

From B. J. Mosier, Esq., Niagara Falls, N. Y. : 

"Please accept my thanks for the book you sent me some few 
days ago. You certainly must have put a great deal of study on the 
subject to treat the matter so well." 

From Dr. G. Hunter Bartlett, Buffalo Association Sons 
of the Revolution : 

"Accept my thanks for the handsomely-printed pamphlet of your 
interesting papers on 'The Niagara Campaign of 1759.' I shall be 
very glad to preserve it among my books on the Niagara Frontier." 

From Professor Thomas Bailey Lovell, High School, 
Niagara Falls, N. Y. : 

"I beg leave to send you my thanks for your pamphlet on 'The 
Niagara Campaign of 1759.' I shall prize it very highly, and shall 
place it with my few records of the Niagara Frontier." 

From Mrs. Richard Wallace Goode, Buffalo Chapter 
D. A. R.: 

"I have read with exceeding interest your fascinating paper— 
'The Niagara Campaign of 1759' — and congratulate you on the bril- 
liant contents contained therein, together with the attractive manner 
of its issue. 

With appreciation of your courtesy, I am." 

From D. W. Hodge, Esq., Buffalo, N. Y.: 

"Please accept my thanks for 'The Niagara Campaign of 1759.' 
It is not only interesting, but a well-prepared paper, dealing with 
hard facts in a way to center attention. Again thanking you, I re- 
main." 



80 THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 

From Professor Horace Briggs, Buffalo, N. Y. : 

"This initial paper is creditable, both in matter and mechanical 
execution. The Association will heartily approve your work. Here 
goes one vote from your old preceptor." 

From John W. Crafts, Esq., Buffalo Association, Society 
of Colonial Wars: 

"I want to thank you for the pamphlet containing your original 
papers entitled 'The Niagara Campaign of 1759,' a useful compen- 
dium of that event. I also desire to congatulate you upon the taste- 
ful typographical appearance of your publication. I am sure your 
work will be enjoyed by all." 

From Mrs. Oscar L. Harries, Buffalo Chapter D. A. R. : 

"I have just finished reading 'The Niagara Campaign' and want 
to thank you for giving me such a pleasure." 

From the Niagara Falls Cataract-Journal: 

An Interesting Publication. 

George D. Emerson, now Commissioner of Elections in Erie 
county, and who for years was in Albany officially during the session 
of the Legislature, has issued in pamphlet form some addresses that 
he delivered before the Buffalo Association of the Society of Colonial 
Wars on "The Niagara Campaign of 1759." Mr. Emerson shares 
with Hon. Peter A. Porter and Frank H. Severance the honor and 
pleasure of being a Niagara frontier historian and his addresses are. 
full of interest. Pictures of Sir William Johnson and Fort Niagara 
adorn the publication. Mr. Emerson is secretary of the Niagara 
Frontier Landmarks Association, to which several Niagara Falls men 
belong. 

From the Lockport Journal: 

Frontier History. 

"The Niagara Campaign of 1759" is the subject of a pamphlet 
just published by George D. Emerson of Buffalo, receipt of a copy 
of which the Journal is pleased to acknowledge, which is being sent 
to members and friends of the Society of Colonial Wars and others 
engaged in the preservation of Colonial history for posterity, more 
particularly the history of the Niagara Frontier. Mr. Emerson has 
long been prominent in all patriotic investigation and work in West- 
ern New York and the paper which he read in April of last year, 
before the Society of Colonial Wars, was so much appreciated that 
he was urged to give it preservation by having it printed. 

Mr. Emerson's portrait makes the frontispiece. A reproduction 
of an old medallion of Sir William Johnson, Major-General of the 
English forces in North America at that time, and maps and pic- 



THE NIAGARA CAMPAIGN OF 1759- 81 

tures of Fort Niagara enhance the descriptive part of the book and a 
delightfully compiled and narrated story of the campaign of a cen- 
tury and a half ago make the pamphlet a very important addition to 
the literature of the Niagara Frontier and also of the "Colonial 
Wars." 

From the Buffalo Evening News: 

History of the Frontier. 

Election Commissioner George D. Emerson has recently written 
a pamphlet that everyone interested in the Niagara Frontier will read 
with interest and pleasure. It deals with the history of this pic- 
turesque region which has figured so importantly in the history of 
this State and the Province of Ontario. As a rule, historical ac- 
counts of military campaigns do not form the most entertaining 
reading matter, but Mr. Emerson has told the story of the Niagara 
Campaign in 1759 in such a picturesque and vivid style that its 
perusal is not only delightful and attractive, but the work is a most 
valuable addition to our Niagara Frontier historical literature. The 
pamphlet itself is a gem of typography and is embellished with a 
picture of Fort Niagara in 1814, the fort and its environments dur- 
ing the siege, and a fine portrait of Sir William Johnson, as well 
as one of the author. 

From West Side Topics, Buffalo, N. Y. : 

One of the handsomest publications issued this year is from the 
pen of Hon. George Douglas Emerson, consisting of two able papers 
read by him before the Buffalo Association, Society of Colonial 
Wars, on the Niagara Campaign of 1759. It has a fine steel en- 
graving of Mr. Emerson, Sir William Johnson, Bart., Fort Niagara 
in 1814. Those of Mr. Emerson's friends who have been favored 
with copies are to be congratulated. 















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